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The Paris Peace Conference put the First World War in the past. Signatures of individual peace treaties with defeated countries Germany, Austria, Hungary and their allies Bulgaria and Turkey put an end to one of the cruelest conflicts of all time, which is rightfully often referred to as the Great War. With its multifaceted repercussions, the First World War certainly represented one of the most crucial breaking points in the development of modern Europe. For many countries and nations, it was the actual start of the 20th century. However, it also signaled the end of a fairly brief dominance and the beginning of the fall of the old continent, which was brought forth as a result of the second global conflict, the Cold War between the superpowers, as well as the dissolution of the global empires of the European superpowers. The end of the Great War and its impact, including the unequivocally democratizing and socially revolutionary waves, was an attempt at a new, fundamentally changed organization of international life and its current established order. The Parisian aftermath radically transformed the composition of the face of Europe: as a result of the dissolution of the monarchies – the Ottoman Empire, the German Empire, Tsarist Russia and Austria-Hungary – and laid the foundation for a new European continent, which basically exists to this day in spite of changes caused by the Second World War. … Read more The Paris Peace Conference put the First World War in the past. Signatures of individual peace treaties with defeated countries Germany, Austria, Hungary and their allies Bulgaria and Turkey put an end to one of the cruelest conflicts of all time, which is rightfully often referred to as the Great War. With its multifaceted repercussions, the First World War certainly represented one of the most crucial breaking points in the development of modern Europe. For many countries and nations, it was the actual start of the 20th century. However, it also signaled the end of a fairly brief dominance and the beginning of the fall of the old continent, which was brought forth as a result of the second global conflict, the Cold War between the superpowers, as well as the dissolution of the global empires of the European superpowers. The end of the Great War and its impact, including the unequivocally democratizing and socially revolutionary waves, was an attempt at a new, fundamentally changed organization of international life and its current established order. The Parisian aftermath radically transformed the composition of the face of Europe: as a result of the dissolution of the monarchies – the Ottoman Empire, the German Empire, Tsarist Russia and Austria-Hungary – and laid the foundation for a new European continent, which basically exists to this day in spite of changes caused by the Second World War. … Read more The Paris Peace Conference put the First World War in the past. Signatures of individual peace treaties with defeated countries Germany, Austria, Hungary and their allies Bulgaria and Turkey put an end to one of the cruelest conflicts of all time, which is rightfully often referred to as the Great War. With its multifaceted repercussions, the First World War certainly represented one of the most crucial breaking points in the development of modern Europe. For many countries and nations, it was the actual start of the 20th century. However, it also signaled the end of a fairly brief dominance and the beginning of the fall of the old continent, which was brought forth as a result of the second global conflict, the Cold War between the superpowers, as well as the dissolution of the global empires of the European superpowers. The end of the Great War and its impact, including the unequivocally democratizing and socially revolutionary waves, was an attempt at a new, fundamentally changed organization of international life and its current established order. The Parisian aftermath radically transformed the composition of the face of Europe: as a result of the dissolution of the monarchies – the Ottoman Empire, the German Empire, Tsarist Russia and Austria-Hungary – and laid the foundation for a new European continent, which basically exists to this day in spite of changes caused by the Second World War. … Read more The Paris Peace Conference put the First World War in the past. Signatures of individual peace treaties with defeated countries Germany, Austria, Hungary and their allies Bulgaria and Turkey put an end to one of the cruelest conflicts of all time, which is rightfully often referred to as the Great War. With its multifaceted repercussions, the First World War certainly represented one of the most crucial breaking points in the development of modern Europe. For many countries and nations, it was the actual start of the 20th century. However, it also signaled the end of a fairly brief dominance and the beginning of the fall of the old continent, which was brought forth as a result of the second global conflict, the Cold War between the superpowers, as well as the dissolution of the global empires of the European superpowers. The end of the Great War and its impact, including the unequivocally democratizing and socially revolutionary waves, was an attempt at a new, fundamentally changed organization of international life and its current established order. The Parisian aftermath radically transformed the composition of the face of Europe: as a result of the dissolution of the monarchies – the Ottoman Empire, the German Empire, Tsarist Russia and Austria-Hungary – and laid the foundation for a new European continent, which basically exists to this day in spite of changes caused by the Second World War.
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The traditional interpretation has referred to interwar Czechoslovakia as an exception in the region, like an island in an ocean of instability. This interpretation is not accurate. On the other hand, one cannot overlook the differences between interwar Czechoslovakia and many other new states created on the ruins of the dissolved empires. In this paper, I investigate the reasons for this development by focusing on the immediate postwar period (1918-1920). I argue that it was precisely the specific postwar setting that shaped the different ways in which individual societies evolved as a result of the war.
2021
Introduction I. History politics in Central Europe Radosław Zenderowski 1. History politics today and tomorrow – an attempt at conceptualization and predictions Lukáš Vomlela 2. Politics of History in Czechoslovakia and the Czech Republic Krzysztof Cebul 3. History politics in Poland II. The Polish-Czech and (Polish-Czechoslovakian) relations before 1989 Rudolf Žáček 4. Czecho(Slovak)-Polish relations until 1945 Bartłomiej Dźwigała 5. The Polish-Czech relations (in the 10th-16th centuries) in historical reflections of Oskar Halecki Adam Buława 6. The Polish-Czechoslovakian relations before 1945 Dušan Janák 7. Czechoslovak-Polish Relations in 1945-1989 Jarosław Drozd 8. The relations between Poland and Czechoslovakia in 1945-1989 III. The Polish-Czech (and Polish-Czechoslovakian) relations 30 years after the fall of the Iron Curtain: successes, failures, challenges Jiří Kocian 9. Czech-Polish Relations after the Fall of the Iron Curtain Antoni Dudek 10. The relations between Poland and the Czech and Slovak Federative Republic in the first years after the collapse of the communist system … Piotr Bajda 11. The Polish-Czech relations on the eve of the 30th anniversary of signing the Treaty on Friendly Neighborhood Conclusion Bibliography Authors’ biographical notes Abstracts
2017
2012, Prague PHIR
Author depicts the history of the Danish main base in India from its inception to the sale to English EIC. He describes its relationship with the Indian authorities, the role in business networks as well as its position in the Danish colonies net. He does not omit an important role the Danish colonies played in the sphere of mission activities, and Euro-Asian culture exchange in both spiritual and material spheres, which other central European nations took part in too. He also highlights little-known fact that the Danish once got relatively vast regions on Coromandel Coast, which they did not fail to hold until the British territorial expansion in India.
2011, Austrian History Yearbook
This essay aims to shed light on the ways in which several empires, states, and nationalist movements competed for political power in the Adriatic space. In particular, it analyzes the ways in which international, national, and local narratives converged in the critical political and economic space of the Adriatic Sea both before and after World War I to justify territorial appropriation. The possibility of geopolitical changes triggered by the Great War whetted the territorial appetites of the new nation-states that had established themselves on the ruins of multinational empires in 1918. At the same time, the same possibilities spurred Italian irredentist aspirations, as Italy directed its imperial policy increasingly toward the East. Hence, the phrase “Scramble for Africa,” which prompted the title of this article, can also be applied to the Adriatic space in the same period.
2021, Conflict, Competition, Cooperation in Central Europe in the 20th and 21th centuries. The intricacies of the Polish-Czech relations, ed. Janak, Skibiński, Zenderowski
This article seeks to explore the ways of interpreting the historical role of Germans and Hungarians in history textbooks used in primary and secondary schools in Slovakia in the interwar period, from 1918 until 1939. Historical narratives presented in school history textbooks contribute, alongside the family, media and public life, and rituals, to forming the way young people perceive the world around them. They are also one of the main tools for the social production of stereotypes of the Other. Fearing the Other is widespread in present-day Slovakia, and although the reason for this situation has been ascribed to the recent economic and current refugee crises, this paper argues that negative responses to the Other are also partially a by-product of the ethnocentric and etatist character of history education. This approach has its roots in nineteenth century historiography, reflecting the rise of nationalism and nation-building movements that characterized the contemporary social and political context. At that time, the purpose of national historiographies was to defend the historical right of each nation to establish and maintain its own state. Historians emphasized the "golden age of the nation" to prove the historical excellence and exclusiveness of the nation and concurrently identified enemies (the Other), who were often described as an obstacle in the development of one's own nation. This perspective in history education has been present in official schooling until the present, surviving in different social and geopolitical conditions. The tense diplomatic relations Czechoslovakia had with Germany and Hungary after the end of WWI and the Paris Peace Conference and the fact that the two nations represented the most significant ethnic minorities within the borders of Czechoslovakia meant that they also became the most notable Other in historical narratives produced by Czech and Slovak historiographies of that time. The dissolution of Austria-Hungary, the establishment of Czechoslovakia, and the reconfiguration of power and ethnic relations in the newly formed state affected different levels of public life, including the educational system. Schooling had to be reorganized so that it would fit the ideological needs of the new state. A new national master narrative had to be adopted for use in the primary and secondary history education, reinforcing the Czechoslovak aspect and reinterpreting the German and Hungarian influences on the national past. The presented research is based on the study of stereotypes – generally shared impressions, images, or thoughts existing within certain groups of people about the character of a particular group of people and their representations. Stereotypes are common social phenomena; they help us in orienting ourselves in the society in which we live, and they save our time and energy when trying to establish a mental map of the world around us. In times of conflict, however, stereotyping and labeling the Other can become especially prevalent and harmful. Stereotypes presented in textbooks are examined as politically motivated efforts to present one's nation as the exceptional one, as is discussed by social identity approach focusing on the genesis of conflict between social groups. Realistic conflict theory, which analyzes intergroup rivalry, will help in explaining stereotypes in textbooks as the outcomes of the competition between two nations. The process of creating negative stereotypes about the other nation in textbooks will be viewed in the context of periods of economic or social instability, which relates to scapegoat theory providing an explanation for the correlation between times of relative social or economic despair and prejudice towards outgroups. The article seeks to prove that the motivations behind state-produced prejudices against the members of other nations are driven by the need to present one's own group (the nation) superior to the Other, which has been a reaction to the competition between the two groups, economic frustration or social crises. The article employs
This article deals with the European minorities in the period between the two world wars and with their final expulsion from nation-states at the end of World War II. First, the tensions which arose between the organised minorities and the successor states of the Habsburg Monarchy are accounted for primarily by the argument that the various minorities located within the successor states had already undergone a comprehensive processes of nationalisation within the Habsburg Empire. Therefore they were able to resist assimilation by the political elites of the new titular nations (Czechs, Poles, Rumanians, Serbs). A second topic is that of the use made of the minorities issue by Adolf Hitler to help achieve his expansionist aims. The minorities issue was central to the international destabilisation of interwar Europe. Finally, the mass expulsion of minorities (above all, Germans) after the end of the war is explained by strategic considerations on the part of the Allied powers as well as involving the nation-state regimes. It is argued, against a commonly held view, that German atrocities during the period of occupation had little to do with the decision to expel most ethnic Germans from their territories of settlement in Poland, Czechoslo-vakia and Yugoslavia. The article shows that it is necessary to treat national minorities in the first half of the twentieth century as a single phenomenon which shares similar features across the various nation-states of East-Central Europe. "The breakup of Yugoslavia was simply the last act of a long play. But the plot of that play – the disaggregation of peoples and the Triumph of ethnonationalism in modern Europe – is rarely recognised, and so a story whose significance is comparable to the spread of democracy or capitalism remains largely unknown and unappreciated." (Jerry Z. Muller 2008).
2018, Aliaksandr Piahanau, Hungary's Policy Towards Czechoslovakia in 1918 - 36. PhD thesis (Toulouse University)
The replacement of Austria-Hungary by series of new nations in 1918 is a key event in the historical reflections in Central Europe. This thesis deals with the bilateral relations between two ‘new born’ states - Hungary and Czechoslovakia.This thesis pays special attention the topic of the foreign policy of Hungary, by exploring the perceptions, motives, and the decisions that the government of Budapest and its different political bodies expressed in regard to the Czechoslovak Republic. This thesis aims to challenge the mainstream historiography, which portrays the Budapest-Prague relations between the two World Wars through the prism of the territorial dispute over Slovakia and Ruthenia, two Hungarian provinces that were annexed by Czechoslovakia in 1918–1919. This research confirms that the Hungarian elites and the governmental circles were indeed unsatisfied with the loss of these two regions. However, the historiography has over-estimated the impact of territorial dispute on the practical and every day political attitudes and the decision making process in Budapest. This thesis claims that the Hungarian government tended to avoid open conflicts with Prague, considering that Czechoslovakia was more populous, industrialized, militarized and had more international alliances than Hungary. Analyzing primary sources mainly in Hungarian, and Czech, but also in Slovak, French and English, found both in the archives in Budapest and Prague and in published versions, this thesis argues that the government of Hungary seriously considered developing political, economic and international cooperation with Prague in the middle years of the Interwar. This thesis is organized into five parts. The opening part deals with the sources and the historiography. Part 2 examines the Hungarian policy on Czechoslovakia in 1918–1921. Part 3 tackles the Budapest-Prague relations between 1922 and 1930. Part 4 portrays the connections of the Hungarian democratic opposition with Prague in 1919–1932. Part 5 uncovers the changes of the foreign policy of Hungary towards Czechoslovakia in 1931–1936.
Aigul Kazhenova, Tsotne Tchanturia, Marijn Mulder, Ahmet Ömer Yüce, Sergei Zakharov, Mirkamran Huseynli, Pınar Eldemir, Angela Aiello, Rastko Lompar
2017, Bibliography of New Cold War History
This bibliography attempts to present the publications on the history of the Cold War published after 1989, the beginning of the „archival revolution” in the former Soviet bloc countries. While this first edition is still far from complete, it collects a huge number of books, articles and book chapters on the topic and it is the most extensive such bibliography so far, almost 600 pages in length. An enlarged and updated edition will be completed in 2018.
As we approach the centennial of World War I, it is fitting to undertake a retrospective, academic review of the institutions devised in the war's aftermath. The efforts to build and sustain a global order ensuring peace and cooperation in the international community-which ultimately failed with the beginning of a Second World War—constitute telling and timely lessons for world politics today. This paper looks critically at America's role in World War I, diplomatic talks preceding the signature of the treaty of Ver-sailles, and domestic and international reactions to President Woodrow Wilson's signature idealism.The paper begins with a historical overview of how World War I began in Europe in an effort to contextualize the entrance of the United States in 1917, two and a half years after the war began. Since Woodrow Wilson originally promoted American neutrality, and U.S. public opinion had mostly favored isolationism until World War I, Wilson's presidency represents a historic shift in American foreign policy to interventionism and eventually, its post-Cold War " global policeman " status. Assessing the main actors of WWI and America's role in it serves to frame Woodrow Wilson's asymmetrical reception within his own country. In the U.S., Wilson's foreign affairs record is characterized by his intervention in Mexico, his original attempt to remain uninvolved in Europe's war, and his failed attempt to keep peace after the war. Wilson garnered domestic support for U.S. entrance with his call to " make the world safe for democracy. " Using such overt idealistic rhetoric in the foreign policymaking decision process was novel at the time, but sounds all too familiar today. Post-WWI, Wilson's fight with Congress and the U.S. not entering into the League of Nations resembles rifts between U.S. administrations and their Congresses in recent times, and it arguably indirectly contributed to the occurrence of the World War II. As U.S. public opinion once again begins favoring non-interventionism amidst volatility overseas, a critical approach to WWI history and its discourse invites salient questions about today's international order. Özet Birinci Dünya Savaşı'nın yüzüncü yıldönümüne yaklaştığımız bu günlerde, savaşın ertesinde oluştu-rulan kurumlara dair retrospektif bir değerlendirme yapmak için zamanlama uygundur. Uluslararası kamuoyunda barışı ve işbirliğini güçlendirecek bir küresel düzeni oluşturma çabaları (İkinci Dünya Savaşı'nın başlamasıyla nihayetinde başarısız da olsa) günümüz siyaseti için önemli dersler içermek-tedir. Bu çalışma, ABD'nin Birinci Dünya Savaşı'ndaki rolüne, Versay anlaşmasının imzalanması sürecindeki diplomatik görüşmelere ve ABD Başkanı Woodrow Wilson'un ünlü idealizmine eleştirel bir şekilde yaklaşacaktır. Çalışma Birinci Dünya Savaşı'nın Avrupa'da nasıl başladığına dair tarihsel bir
This course is meant to introduce students to major themes in the diplomatic and political history of Europe in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The discourse begins from the Congress of Vienna in 1815, after a quick review of the French Revolution in 1789 and the Napoleonic wars (1799-1814). The major themes covered in this course include the Concert of Europe, the Revolutions of the 1830s and 1848, the Crimean War, Italian and German Unifications, the Alliance System and its impact on European politics, the First World War, post-war peace treaties, the League of Nations, the rise of authoritarian regimes in Europe and the problems of security in the inter-war years. Other important issues to be examined include World War II and the rise of the Cold War, NATO and Warsaw Pact and the growth of American influence in Europe. The course terminates with the collapse of Communism and the end of the Cold War 1990.
WWI and its aftermath gave rise in 1917-1919 to a huge increase in the number of European polities. Nevertheless, over the interwar years this dispersive trend was countered by the steadfast reconstitution of two empires involved in the outbreak of 1914 (Russia and Germany); the emergence of imperial designs in Italy; and the geographical maxima reached overseas by the Western empires (Britain, France). The tides of WWII created first a German rule on the whole continent, and then a Russian Red Empire over the Eastern half. The latter was faced during the Cold War by a federative West-European project; a neutralized former 'greater' Serbia; and a de-neutralized post-imperial Turkey. British and French decolonization after 1945 followed the same European pattern of ethnic and social unrest, international hatred, and resilience of geopolitical motives. The melting down of the Russian and Yugoslavian empires in the 1990s multiplied again the number of states, yet at once Germany was reunited. Nowadays, we are experiencing the return of the Russian and German empires: the first one in a clear military profile; and the second (Ulrich Beck's 'accidental empire') by establishing the collective economic rules for a 'German Europe'. This underlying resilience of imperial trends amid a century of noisy proliferation of 'national' states everywhere deserves a closer comparative analysis. It seems that 1917-1919 opened a wavering nationalistic parenthesis in the overall integrative trends. Later decolonization processes and the latest European nationalistic outburst might be replicating a historical pattern with deep anthropological roots (ethnicity vs. citizenship).
From the 1760s, the question of parliamentary reform in Britain concerning the amendment and extension of suffrage was an important topic of differing intensity. It was a so-called extra-parliamentary movement which endeavoured to reach its objective by means of petitions. The right to petition was an important part of British basic rights contained in the Bill of Rights of 1689. However, the radical reformers of the 1790s who demanded parliamentary reform differed in objectives from their predecessors. The aims of the new radicals were annual parliamentary elections and universal suffrage. Their objective was to achieve parliamentary reform by legal and constitutional means, while openly rejecting violent revolutionary methods. Membership consisted mainly of the working class, with unlimited entry to these strictly organised societies. These societies were so unique precisely because they rejected political exclusivity. The topic of my work is focused on the period of the Edinburgh Conventions which were held three times between 1792 and 1793. Their aim was not to replace the British Parliament with a new legislature according to the French example, but an endeavour to act together on a plan of reform and then to draw up a petition to Parliament. Nevertheless, the last Convention was forcibly dissolved by local authorities and their leading members were brought before a court and sentenced to fourteen years’ transportation in the subsequent political process.
Bohemia
At the end of the First World War, a significant segment of the Czechoslovak elite sought to annex Lusatia, seeing potential co-nationals in the Lusatian Sorbian population. When Czech diplomat Edvard Beneš argued for a Czechoslovak Lusatia at the Paris Peace Conference, he showed great restraint. The rhetoric for a Czechoslovak Lusatia show that Wilsonian idealism coexisted with notions of historic precedent and legal right. Czechoslovakia’s diplomatic arguments, finally, illustrate the lackadaisical quality of Czech desires and Beneš’s own skill as a diplomat.
Most important things to know: 1. The harsh terms imposed on Germany by the Treaty of Versailles that ends World War I is the #1 direct reason for the start of World War II – most historians view the next 20 years as an intermission – just an interval for Germany to rest and rebuild for the war. 2. The end of WWI leads to the end of monarchies controlling European countries; they now become Parliamentarian monarchies, or cease to exist. 3. Virtually all the great and small dynasties of Europe come to an end as far as controlling powers in their countries.
2016, Bohemia. Zeitschrift für Geschichte und Kultur der böhmischen Länder / A Journal of History and Civilisation in East Central Europe
The article provides an overview over the developments of the historiography on the First Czechoslovak Republic since the end of the Cold War. In the first part the authors focus on the Czech historiography in the 1990s, when the First Czechoslovak Republic experienced a revival in the public as well as in the historiography and was often idealized as an "island of democracy". Though not exclusively, these writings were dominated by the paradigm of national history. This has changed since at least the first decade of the 21th century. Recent writings on the First Czechoslovak Republic, which are discussed in the second part, analyze Czechoslovakia between the World Wars as a dynamic social, political, economic and cultural space with permeable and shifting borders in- and outside. Furthermore they place Czechoslovakia in its broader regional, European and global contexts. Finally, the authors suggest the term "transnational border spaces" as formulated by Johannes Paulmann and Martin H. Geyer to outline these major changes and to open up further perspectives on the research of the First Czechoslovak Republic within a European and global history
2012
International bibliography of historical sciences, vol. 81 (2012), section P
Polish Review of International and European Law
Between Three Seas: Borders, Migrations, Connections is the Third Biennial Conference of the Medieval Central Europe Research Network (MECERN) organized by the University of Zagreb’s Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences in collaboration with the Croatian Institute of History with the support of the Croatian National Committee of Historical Sciences and the Society for Croatian History. The conference is held at the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, University of Zagreb 12–14 April 2018.
2020, THE CENTENARY OF LATVIA'S FOREIGN AFFAIRS. Global thought and Latvia
This article looks at the feminism landscape of interwar Latvia from 1918-1940 in the context of international gender politics.
2020, Trianon: 100 Years After
A multiauthor report based on the 2020 Trianon conference held by LSE IDEAS and Babes-Bolyai University. Contributors include Professor Levente Salat, Professor Michael Cox, Professor Dennis Deletant, Peter Balazs and others. Madalina Mocan and Megan Palmer are the editors.
20th Century Czechoslovakia, historically an international and interdependent economy, played an instrumental role in the European regional and world economies. Following the destruction from World War II, the country needed a multinational rebuilding effort to reestablish the country’s place in the world system and in turn the well-being of its citizens. The United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration (UNRRA) was the epitome of the type of organization that was needed for Czechoslovakia and Eastern Europe to rebuild its socio-economic system. Unfortunately, the political constraints of the modern world system, and the Cold War that resulted from it, did not allow the region or Czechoslovakia to rebuild adequately, and showed the vulnerability of the area’s position in an interdependent world that was primarily guided by the political aspirations of the few nations in positions of power. A study of the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration (UNRRA), and its work in Czechoslovakia, is a key initial study in an effort to understand how international organizations can help influence and facilitate the development of small semi-peripheral and peripheral nations. This paper will show how UNRRA, without using aid and investment as “political weapons,” was able to quickly reestablish Czechoslovakia in the world economy, and is of profound importance to the overall study of the effects of multilateral aid on both the redevelopment of areas devastated by war countries with “developmental” interests.
During the twentieth century, Europe changed more rapidly and profoundly than in any earlier period. The years from the fall of Bismarck to the fall of the Soviet Empire saw two cataclysmic world wars, mass destruction on a scale unparalleled in history, genocide and racial extermination of a systematic nature and degree previously unknown, economic depression and hyperinflation that still provide textbook examples of economic disaster, ideological conflict of a depth and bitterness seldom seen since the religious wars of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and the rise and fall of fascism and communism, movements more extreme than almost any previously encountered. Playing a central role in many of the processes of historical change were major figures such as Lenin and Stalin, Hitler and Mussolini, Clemenceau and De Gaulle. Their contribution will be fully assessed in the course. Finally, the twentieth century witnessed unprecedented progress and prosperity, astonishing technological inventiveness, the emancipation of women and the liberation of sexuality, the rise of the welfare state, the spread of democratic politics, the flowering of modernist culture, the rebellion of the young, and the growth of European unity.
2018, Max Planck Encyclopedia of Public International Law
This is the entry for 'partition' in the Max Planck Encyclopedia of Public International Law.
Immediately prior to the war's outbreak in 1914, Central Europe was dominated by two powerful states: Germany to the north and its weaker cousin, the Austro-Hungarian Empire, to the South. The two countries formed the core of the Central Powers, also known as the Quadruple Alliance because they were joined after war began by Bulgaria and the Ottoman Empire (modern Turkey). The other major pre-war alliance was the Triple Entente, a pact between Russia, Great Britain, and France (called the Allied Powers during the war). These alliances set the stage for a massive war: any dispute between two members of these blocs could pull in all of the others, as the treaties committed these states to defending their allies. And that's exactly what happened.
2013, Journal of Art Historiography
Although the formation of the Czechoslovak Republic in 1918 could be regarded in certain respects as a historical caesura, in others, there was continuity with the Habsburg past particularly in intellectual life. Czech art history between the wars was under strong influence of the Vienna school, especially Riegl and Dvořák’s theories, which their followers in Prague developed and adapted to the new political context. The question whether Czech or Czechoslovak art had historic links with the “East or West” was especially pertinent to many Czech art historians in this period, as it indicated western or eastern affiliation of art as well as art historical scholarship. Extending Riegl’s legacy, Czech art historians held discussions about mediaeval architecture in Bohemia but also about more contemporary art and folk art in Czechoslovakia. The politically motivated idea of “Czechoslovak identity” that was born in this time to validate the existence of a joint state of the Czechs and Slovaks gave rise to attempts to define “Czechoslovak art” and its place within European art history. The western preference of the Czech followers of the Vienna school, however, was contested by several local scholars and by Josef Strzygowski, the infamous antipode to Riegl and Dvořák, who emphasised the historical importance of “eastern” art in this geographical context. This article therefore focuses on the extent of dissemination of influential ideas from Vienna across Central Europe in the early twentieth century and on the way these ideas were adapted to specific political circumstances.
It is some of my research in completing one of my assignment, on what are the reason of causes and effect of World War One, hence by the end of it, we can learn something.. that "War is not everything".
Egotiation is a new term in negotiation research, proposed by one of the authors (Meerts 2010). 'Ego' will not be used here in the classical psychological / Freudian sense. For the purposes of this chapter 'egotiation' is a factor in international negotiation processes which will work against the material interests of the negotiator and his party. It has an emotional as well as an interest dimension, a unconscious as well as a conscious side, accidental and purposeful. The ego of the negotiator, meaning the face / honour / status of the negotiator in question, will be a parasite of the negotiation process. It will flourish through the process, but at the detriment of the interests of the party of the negotiator is representing. The authors will look at a series of famous negotiators and ask themselves to what extend these actors gave precedence to face saving over the defence of national and other interests. The authors will then ask themselves what the consequences of 'egotiation' have been in different cases. They will try to diagnose if 'egotiation' is a typical phenomenon to be found among decision makers of higher or lower rank, politicians or diplomats, etc. They will also look at the question if countries have such an ego and if so, what the function of that ego is in international relations.
2018, The Bibliography of New Cold War History (second enlarged edition)
This bibliography attempts to present the publications on the history of the Cold War published after 1989, the beginning of the „archival revolution” in the former Soviet bloc countries.
Multinational operations, alliances, and …
International bibliography of historical sciences | Ed. by Massimo Mastrogregori, Massimo Mastrogregori
2014
International bibliography of historical sciences, vol. 83 (2014), section P
2020, European Review of History / Revue européenne d'histoire
This special issue addresses practices of border-making and their consequences on the territory of the former Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. As the reality did not correspond to the peaceful Europe articulated in the Paris Treaties, a multitude of (un)foreseen complications followed the drawing of borders and states. Articles include new case studies on the creation, centralization or peripheralization of border regions, such as Subcarpathian Rus, Vojvodina, Banat and the Carpathian Mountains, on border zones such as the Czechoslovakian harbour in Germany, and on cross-border activities. The special issue shows how disputes over national identities and ethnic minorities, as well as other factors such as the economic consequences of the new state borders, appeared on the interwar political agenda and coloured the lives of borderland inhabitants. Adopting a bottom-up approach, the contributions demonstrate the agency of borderlands and their people in the establishment, functioning, disorganization or ultimate breakdown of some of the newly created interwar nation-states.
2019