Academia.edu no longer supports Internet Explorer.
To browse Academia.edu and the wider internet faster and more securely, please take a few seconds to upgrade your browser.
Loading Preview
Sorry, preview is currently unavailable. You can download the paper by clicking the button above.
The first traces of Greek presence in Iberia date from the beginning of and up until the middle of the 8 th century BCE.The first colonies were established by the Phokaian Greeks during the second part or the end of 7 th century BCE.However, Greek mariners had already started reaching the coast of Iberia from 9 th century BCE. They had been attracted by the existence of mining for various metals, salt and the wealth of Andalusia.The Greek presence in Iberia meant not only trade but also the advent of culture, art, architectural standards, funerary habits and open ideas. The presence of Greek diaspora in the west came into conflict with the interests of the Phoenicians and other competitors, especially during the time when the Phokaians were establishing colonies along the coast of Iberia, Southern Gaul and Corsica. This resulted in the Etruscans from the north allying with the Carthaginians in the south against the Greeks. The presence of Greeks in Iberia had, mainly, commercial and small industry character and no rural. The Phokaian Greeks established good neighbourly relations with the native populations of the Iberian Peninsula. This became clear from the accounts of the relationship between the Phokaians and the king of silver-rich Tartessos, Arganthonios.The Greek colonization reached its peak during the middle of 6 th century BCE, but after 535 BCE, when the Phokaians were defeated in a naval battle at Alalia (modern day Aleria) on Kyrnos (Corsica) by the Carthaginians and the Etruscans, the Greek cities in Iberia decreased.The revival of the Greek colonies and their commercial activities in Iberia are related to fourth century BCE.
The island of Rhodes was a prosperous state during the Hellenistic period and its power has been the subject of much scholarly debate. In this thesis, I show how this prosperity was already developing during the Archaic period, as Rhodes became part of an evolving network in which different types of objects were distributed. I make use of the works of Irad Malkin and Christy Constantakopoulou on network theory in ancient history to show how Rhodes can be seen as an important node linking different network clusters. In investigating the flows of objects in these clusters, I do not just study ‘trade’ in its narrow sense, but I take on the broad definition of trade as distribution, that Neville Morley has described. In this way, I am able to highlight the many different forms in which distribution activities could contribute to economic development. As there is little written evidence about Rhodes in the Archaic period, I study mainly material evidence. In two case studies, I focus on the archaeological finds in respectively the Rhodian poleis of Kameiros and Lindos. In this way, I demonstrate that Rhodes was part of a growing connectivity in the eastern Aegean during the Archaic period, which must have contributed to its prosperity in later times.
C. Taylor and K. Vlassopoulos (eds.), Communities and Networks in the Ancient Greek World, Oxford University Press (2015), 1-31.
This chapter argues that the study of ancient Greek history needs to move away from the ‘citizen club’ polis model to emphasize the diversity of communities within the ancient Greek world, the networks of relationships formed within and between them, and the processes that created, modified, and dissolved them. After reviewing the impact of structuralist and formalist models of the polis, Taylor and Vlassopoulos examine how two distinct conceptual approaches, that of network studies and that of community formation, have been taken up by ancient historians. They argue that ‘network thinking’ allows for a diversity of theoretical and methodological approaches that can benefit the study of ancient Greek history. In doing so they outline a new agenda for approaching the ancient Greek world: one less shaped by the polis, but instead focused on the networks of relationships created and disbanded between people of different status, wealth, identity, and connectivity
Greek colonization implies a ship-to-shore, or a coast-to-hinterland, perspective. Inevitably, due to lack of non-Greek literary evidence and the limits of interpretation of material vidence, we tend to follow this perspective when studying interactions with peoples of the hinterland. However, we do not always know what questions to ask. I suggest that by analyzing an analogous situation we may get a richer understanding of the spectrum of issues involved. In this article I study the cycle of Samson in the Book of Judges, since it provides us with a reverse situation: a hinterland perspective on “Aegean colonists” who established city-states on the coast (Gaza, Ascalon and Ashdod) and kept advancing to the hinterland (Ekron, Gath, Timna). Several points of comparison to the colonial situation in southern France are made. Finally, the case of the Philistines, who did not become Greek, indicates the contrast with other migrants: the Ionians, for example, similarly settling on narrow coastlands in Asia Minor, eventually became “Greek” through the pull of maritime networks from which the Philistines became separated.
2009, in: A.M.J. Derks & N.G.A.M. Roymans (eds.), Ethnic Constructs in Antiquity: The Role of Power and Tradition, Amsterdam University Press, Amsterdam, 37-84
in Robinson, D. and Goddio, F. (eds), Thonis Heracleion in Context: The Maritime Economy of the Egyptian Late Period, Proceedings of the Conference in the University of Oxford, 15-17 March 2013. Oxford: Oxford Centre for Maritime Archaeology, 229-246
2019, British Museum Studies in Ancient Egypt and Sudan (BMSAES) 24
2006
R. Strootman, ‘The introduction of Hellenic cults in Seleukid Syria: Colonial appropriation and transcultural exchange in the creation of an imperial landscape’, forthcoming in: H. Bru and A. Dumitru eds., Colonial Geopolitics and Local Cultures in the Hellenistic and Roman East (IIIrd Century B.C.–IIIrd century A.D.).
The current volume contains the papers read during the International Symposium entitled “Regional Stories towards a New Perception of the Early Greek World”, held at the University of Thessaly in Volos, from 18-21 June 2015. The aim of the symposium was on one hand to present original overviews, mostly geographical, of the current data from the entire Greek World, dating from the tenth to the end of the seventh century BC, based partly on the results of the research of the members of the “ARISTEIA” project or thanks to the expertise of the invited scholars. A second aim of the symposium, was to present new evidence from important current excavation projects, thus highlighting the data published up to now. The topics of the papers were drawn from the three axis of the “ARISTEIA” research project (Settlements, Sanctuaries, Cemeteries). The regional diversities or homogeneities, the interaction between the Greek and indigenous communities, the study of the Early Greek World independently from the chronological “divide” of ca. 700 BC, the rise of the polis, were some of the suggested lines of inquiry. The symposium was also an occasion to honour an eminent scholar of the Early Iron Age, Professor Jan Bouzek.
2019, Revista do Museu de Arqueologia e Etnologia
With the application of post-colonial theoretical approaches in the last decades of the twentieth century, the study of archaic Greek overseas settlement has arrived at something of a terminological and methodological impasse. Scholars continue to debate whether Mediterranean and Black sea settlement can legitimately be termed ‘colonisation’ yet attempts to modify this language of imperialism have thus far failed to achieve significant alteration of the overarching paradigms. This paper will suggest a new approach to these problems using contemporary migration theory to conceptualise archaic Greek mobility and settlement, through the case studies of Milesian migration to Naukratis in Egypt and Abydos in the Troad during the 7th century BCE. Drawing on aspects of structuration and practice theory, it will seek to describe and explain the multi-faceted structures, practices and agency involved in the migration of Milesian Greeks to these areas. The two chosen case studies will be compared to understand how spatial, social, cultural and political factors may have impacted upon the characteristics of Naukratis and Abydos and the multitude of stimuli surrounding their settlement. This will provide ways to re-envisage an important period of Mediterranean history, offering a flexible methodological approach to be utilised in other contexts.
Zusammenfassung/Abstract: Anhand archäologischer Zeugnisse aus Naukratis in Ägypten, von Aigina in der Ägäis und aus Gravisca in Etrurien wird die Spur des Sostratos von Aigina aufgenommen, jenem naúkleros, mit dessen Handelsgewinnen – nach Herodot – ‚niemand konkurrieren kann’. Auf dieser Basis werden drei Schlüsselkonzepte der archäologisch-historischen Forschung diskutiert, mit denen soziale Räume des archaischen Mittelmeerhandels beschrieben werden können: empórion – port of trade – extraurbanes Heiligtum. Abschließend wird versucht, die historische Entwicklung archaischen Austauschs zu erfassen: von der xenía zur emporía. Archaeological evidence from Naukratis in Egypt, Aegina in the Aegean and Gravisca in Etruria is used to follow the track of Sostratos of Aigina, that naukleros, with whose profits – according to Herodotus – ‘none can compare’. On that basis are discussed three key-concepts of archaeological-historical research, which allow us to describe the social spaces of archaic Mediterranean trade: emporion – port of trade – extra-urban sanctuary. In concluding, an attempt is made to record the historical development of archaic exchange: from xenía to emporía.
Abstract: The present paper offers a new theory with regard to the Greek presence at Naukratis during the late 7th and the first half of the 6th century BC, emphasising the hitherto unacknowledged role of Lydians as mediators between Egypt and Greeks. After establishing a reliable chronological framework for Naukratis’ foundation, it is suggested that the initial establishment of Greek commercial settlement at Naukratis should be seen as a by-product of the treaty that was contracted between Lydia and Miletus toward the end of the 7th century BC. Concerning the next significant phase of Naukratis’ history, which took place during the reign of Amasis and was accompanied by administrative reform and the construction of the Hellenion, it is suggested that only the Greek poleis that found themselves under the aegis of the Lydian empire, or who were on friendly terms with it, could officially operate on Egyptian soil during this period. Revealing the Lydian connection behind the commercial activities of Greeks in Naukratis, against the background of Lydian imperial aspirations, allows better understanding of contact zones in antiquity.
Standard accounts of Greek history have been overwhelmingly polis-centred, Athenocentric and Hellenocentric; they have thus often marginalised the wider Greek world and separated Greek history from the wider Mediterranean and Near Eastern world. This article aims to situate Greek history within a wider world-system. It looks at how we can construct a new subject of Greek history by focusing on the networks moving goods, peoples and ideas and the various centres that organise this world-system.
2006, BRITISH MUSEUM RESEARCH PUBLICATIONS
ABSTRACT Although Greek contacts with the Southern Levant during the Iron Age have been studied at length, the matter remains controversial in many aspects. The present study provides an overview of East-West contacts during the first half of the 1st millennium BC, suggesting to divide it into five major periods of contact. These periods, involving a different chronological setting, are characterized by different ‘total contexts’, heavily shaped by geopolitical dynamics. It is suggested that every period of contacts (or their absence) requires a different explanation.
2009, in: K.A. Raaflaub & H. van Wees (eds.), A Companion to Archaic Greece, Blackwell, Malden & Oxford (2009), 349-372.
This study of items of adornment articles excavated between 1988 and 1990 from the Nimrud tombs in Iraq illuminates the multicultural aspects and imperial implications of Neo-Assyrian royal dress during the eight and ninth centuries BCE. These spectacular finds also attest to the significance of royal women as embodiments of imperial fashion and, in turn, of the empire itself. The adornment ensembles incorporated elements of different styles, which I categorize as “Royal Assyrian,” “Near Eastern,” “Intercultural,” and “Composite. Just as the Neo-Assyrian palace asserted imperialism through quotations of and allusions to foreign culture, these categories of royal fashion would have contributed to the rhetoric of imperialism as they, too, materialized imperial networks of power and diplomacy.
Athens, 2018 (in Greek, with English Summary)
2016, Assyria to Iberia. Art and Culture in the Iron Age
The first half of the first millennium BCE in the Near East was characterized by two developments: first, the rise and unrivalled dominance of the Assyrian Empire, the largest political entity yet seen in the region, until its dramatic collapse at the end of the seventh century BCE; and second, the appearance of the Aramaeans and the diffusion of their language and script throughout Mesopotamia, the Levant, parts of Iran, and Egypt. Despite the political supremacy of Akkadian-speaking Assyria, Aramaic imposed itself as a lingua franca in the Near East, a role it held for more than a millennium. How do these two phenomena fit together? Should we not have expected the cuneiform script and the Assyrian dialect of the Akkadian language to predominate across the Assyrian Empire? How could the Aramaic language have become so dominant given that there was never an Aramaean empire? To answer this question in a short article we must limit the discussion to one single example. For this purpose, no other site provides better information than Tell Halaf, the ancient city of Guzana. It was founded as the capital of a small Aramaean principality, later became the seat of the governor of one of the most prosperous Assyrian provinces, and ultimately was one of the few Upper Mesopotamian towns that survived the collapse of the Assyrian Empire and flourished until the Parthian period.
2018, Ancient Lighthouses
This paper offers an analysis of the methods of navigation used by the earliest Greek navigators and their contributions to the building of lighthouses.
2018, AURA
Various Greek authors from the Archaic to the Roman period refer to a migration of population groups from the Aegean and West Anatolia to Pamphylia and Cilicia in the aftermath of the Trojan War. The meagre archaeological evidence, as well as the Arcadocypriot and Mycenaean elements in the Pamphylian dialect, fits with this narrative. Furthermore, from (at least) the end of the 10th to the late 8th centuries a kingdom, which was called Hiyawa in Luwian and Qw or ‘mq ’dn in Phoenician inscriptions, controlled Cilicia and possibly also a part of Pamphylia. Its subjects were called Hiyawa in Luwian and dnnym in Phoenician. The term Hiyawa stems from the Hittite geographic term Ahhiyawa, which referred to one of the Mycenaean kingdoms in the Aegean during the LBA; both Ahhiyawa and Hiyawa derive from the ethnonym 'Achaean'. At least one of the rulers of the Kingdom of Hiyawa considered himself to be a descendant of Muksas/mpš, which shows that the later stories about Mopsos were not entirely fictitious. The Achaean settlers in Cilicia gradually fused with the Luwian population. Herodotus later called them Hypachaeans, which implies that they were neither Achaeans or Greeks, nor Luwians or Cilicians. Further waves of Aegean migrants continued to arrive mainly in Pamphylia and Cilicia Tracheia at least until the 7th century. These later migrants were also gradually amalgamated with the indigenous population and their vernacular became heavily influenced by the local Luwian dialects.
2016
2018, Trade and Civilisation: ECONOMIC NETWORKS ANDCULTURAL TIES, FROM PREHISTORYTO THE EARLY MODERN ERA
This is a proof copy. May contain slight typographical differences from print version.
2014, Landscape History, 2014
2016, Joan Aruz and Michael Seymour, eds., Assyria to Iberia. Art and Culture in the Iron Age. The Metropolitan Museum of Art Symposia.
In an essay for the “Assyria to Iberia at the Dawn of the Classical Age” exhibition catalogue, I wrote about the situation and particular artistic atmosphere in Third Intermediate Period Egypt at the time of the encounter with the Phoenicians. In this paper that results from my Wilkinson Lecture at the time of the exhibition, I want to focus on the situation in the Egyptian Delta more specifically to evoke recent, and recall some older, insights into the nature of that environment for the bearing they might have on understanding interactions with the Phoenicians. In this context I pursue two particular sets of artistic themes that speak to the quality of engagements. While scholars have assiduously mapped many Phoenician iconographic themes and their sources or possible sources, along with traces of Phoenician physical presence, it is hopefully constructive to bring recent understandings of the moment and the particular area in Egypt to the consideration of the complexity of interactions.
Review of the following works: 1) I. Malkin, A Small Greek World: Networks in the Ancient Mediterranean. New York: Oxford University Press, 2011. 2) L. E. Patterson, Kinship Myth in Ancient Greece. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 2010. 3) D. S. Richter, Cosmopolis: Imagining Community in Late Classical Athens and the Early Roman Empire. New York: Oxford University Press, 2011. 4) I. S. Moyer, Egypt and the Limits of Hellenism. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011. 5) W. Grajetzki, Greeks and Parthians in Mesopotamia and Beyond 331 BC–224 AD. London: Bristol Classical Press, 2010. 6) A. Wolpert and K. Kapparis, Legal Speeches of Democratic Athens: Sources for Athenian History. Indianapolis, IN: Hackett Publishing, 2011. 7) N. Papazarkadas, Sacred and Public Land in Ancient Athens. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011. 8) E. W. Robinson, Democracy Beyond Athens: Popular Government in the Greek Classical Age. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011. 9) G. Cawkwell, Cyrene to Chaeronea: Selected Essays on Ancient Greek History. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011. 10) Z. H. Archibald, J. K. Davies, and V. Gabrielsen (eds.), The Economies of Hellenistic Societies, Third to First Centuries BC. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011. 11) P. Cartledge, Ancient Greece: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011. 12) C. Meier, A Culture of Freedom: Ancient Greece and the Origins of Europe. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2011. 13) J. R. Hale, Lords of the Sea: The Epic Story of the Athenian Navy and the Birth of Democracy. London: Gibson Square, 2010. 14) P. J. Rhodes, Alcibiades. Barnsley: Pen and Sword Military, 2011.
During the Neo Assyrian period, Assyrianization created a world economy that was served by a trade network that provided faster, better and more efficient communication that made the world smaller and more mobile.