Neo-Fascism

The present text brings into discussion a book review of "No Party School: syndrome of an authoritarian education", which proposes a rich debate on the educational policies and the construction of an authoritarian discourse in the Brazilian classroom that has reverberated in pedagogical practices of teachers of the public system since the creation of the project by the organized civil society in 2004 and had great evidence in 2018, resulting in the projection of schools as spaces of self-surveillance.

Indian Heritage has given special contribution to Banjara culture. Theculture of Banjara is seen in many tribes; they are also called Gormaati, Gor, Banjara and Lambani. They are spread all over India. ¦ÃpPÉ ¨s ÁgÀ wÃAiÀ Ä ¥À gÀ A¥À gÉ , ¸À A¸À ÈÌ wUÉ §AeÁgÀ ¸À A¸À ÈÌ w «²μÀ Ö ªÁzÀ PÉ AEqÀ ÄUÉ AiÀ Ä£À Äß ¤ÃrzÉ. ¨s ÁgÀ wÃAiÀ Ä C£É ÃPÀ §ÄqÀ PÀ lÄÖ UÀ ¼À°è §AeÁgÀ CxÀ ªÁ ®A¨Át UÀ gÀ ¸À A¸À ÈÌ w «±É ÃμÀ ªÁzÀ ¸ÁÜ £À ªÀ £À Äß ¥À qÉ zÀ ÄPÉ AEArzÉ. CªÀ gÀ £À Äß UÉ AEêÀ iÁðn, UÉ AEêÀ ðmï, UÉ AEÃgï, UÉ AEÃgï §AeÁgï ªÀ ÄvÀ ÄÛ ®A¨Át UÀ gÉ AzÀ Ä PÀ gÉ AiÀ ÄÄvÁÛ gÉ. CªÀ gÀ Ä ¨s ÁgÀ vÀ zÀ vÀ ÄA¨É ®è ºÀ gÀ rPÉ AEArzÁÝ gÉ .

O corpo é estudado há muito tempo por todos aqueles que se interessam pelas angústias humanas, tanto em termos físicos quanto em ideias psicológicas. O corpo das personagens clariceanas, a saber Ângela Pralini e Macabéa, será o objeto de estudo deste artigo, fruto de uma pesquisa de doutoramento. O feixe discursivo (isto é, uma grande quantidade de palavras) das obras Um sopro de vida e A hora da estrela mostra dois seres fictícios desnorteados, desfuncionalizados, a-padrão social e literário. Macabéa estava quase sempre fungando, limpando o seu desespero com a bainha de sua combinação. Seu corpo raquítico e frágil revela uma linguagem fraca, alienada, de parcas palavras. O não dito também se faz presente em A hora da estrela à medida que os episódios persistem insinuados. A ausência de vocábulos no corpo de Macabéa levará a uma escrita melancólica em sua vida, uma vida de descompasso, de libido extraviada. O corpo de Ângela padece de perecimento. A solidão dela é grande, pois não é...

A narrative on why protecting and uplifting the Dalits and other oppressed is pressing today in India. Some helpful statistics that elaborate why such a need is more emergent in a post-covid world are sourced from a internet news piece and can be verified -
About 60% of India's nearly 1.3 billion people live on less than $3.10 a day, the World Bank's median poverty line. And 21%, or more than 250 million people, survive on less than $2 a day.
The richest 10% in India controls 80% of the nation's wealth
Almost 75% still lives in villages and leads a hardscrabble life of labor; only 11% owns a refrigerator; 35% cannot read and write.

C’est le MI6, le British Secret Intelligence Service, qui a redynamisé le
mouvement fédéral d’Europe centrale et orientale en reconstituant les
anciennes organisations clandestines d’avant-guerre parrainées par la
Pologne : la Ligue prométhéenne et l’Intermarium sous la direction de
ce qu’on appelait le Club fédéral européen.

Mark Bray is a historian of human rights, terrorism, and political radicalism in Modern Europe as well as a political organizer. This interview outlines what fascism is, the history of anti-fascist resistance, the debate surrounding free-speech, anti-imperialism, World War II, and the Trump Era. Mark Bray is a political organizer and historian of human rights, terrorism, and political radical-ism in Modern Europe. He earned his BA in Philosophy from Wesleyan University in 2005 and his PhD in History from Rutgers University in 2016. He is the author of Antifa: The Anti-Fascist Handbook (Melville House 2017), Translating Anarchy: The Anarchism of Occupy Wall Street (Zero 2013), The Anarchist Inquisition: Terrorism and Human Rights in Spain and France, 1890-1910 (forthcoming), and the co-editor of Anarchist Education and the Modern School: A Francisco Ferrer Reader (PM Press 2018). His work has appeared in Foreign Policy, The Washington Post, Boston Review, and numerous edited volumes....

The Third Position is one of the marginal currents in contemporary political thought. This current was represented by the International Third Position established in 1989. The values, concepts and arguments for the annihilation of parliamentary democracies and forms of contemporary international relations put forward by this organization raise the question: is the political thought of the Third Position (represented by the International Third Position) a fascist one? In the present article the author has formulated a hypothesis, according to which the political thought of the International Third Position is an ideology that meets the defi nition criteria of fascism. To verify it, the author used the theoretical framework presented in a lecture by the Italian writer and intellectual Umberto Eco (1932-2016) delivered in 1995 at Columbia University. The main method of verifying the hypothesis was a critical analysis of the elements of political thought of the International Third Position and comparing it with the features (symptoms) of fascism formulated by Eco. The source material for the analysis include documents of the International Third Position, as well as documents of political parties and organizations that make up the ITP from Italy and Poland. An important source were the ideological and journalistic texts written by the leaders of this movement from the UK, Poland and Italy. In the article, each of the fourteen features of fascism proposed by Umberto Eco was analyzed in the context of the thought of the Third Position. The research hypothesis has been positively verifi ed. The political thought of the Third Position does indeed meet the defi nition criteria of fascism.

Edição anual da Revista Científica Sophia (RCS). AS VIOLÊNCIAS EM MADAME BOVARY: UM ESTUDO PSICANALÍTICO DA OBRA DE GUSTAVE FLAUBERT
Gustavo Angeli, Pedro Valentim Eccher, Adriana Aparecida do Amaral (Autor)
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A INFLUÊNCIA DA MÚSICA NO COMPORTAMENTO HUMANO NO SETOR DE ACADEMIAS NO LITORAL CATARINENSE
Bárbara Helena Krieger Pisa Marhofer, Beatriz Hering Faht (Autor)
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CORPO, MARCA E AUTORIA: CONSIDERAÇÕES PSICANALÍTICAS SOBRE A AUTOMUTILAÇÃO E A TATUAGEM
Laura Salek, Gustavo Angeli (Autor)
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ESTUDO DA RELAÇÃO ENTRE A ALIMENTAÇÃO INDUSTRIAL E OS IMPACTOS AMBIENTAIS
Maria Julia Leardini, Marina de Carvalho Mendes Mafra (Autor)
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PSICANÁLISE E ARTE: A POESIA COMO MEIO DE EXPRESSÃO DO INCONSCIENTE
Maria Julia Leardini, Marina de Carvalho Mendes Mafra (Autor)
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ADOÇÃO: UM OLHAR AMBIENTAL NO PROCESSO SOCIAL
Nemar Gil Limeira Neto, Junior Cesar Mota (Autor)
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INTRODUÇÃO À TEORIA NARRATIVISTA DO DIREITO DE JOSÉ CALVO GONZÁLEZ
Paulo Ferrareze Filho (Autor)
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A VAZA JATO E A LIBERDADEDE EXPRESSÃO
Patrícia Fernandes Fraga, Ivana Formigheri Jacob (Autor)
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O IMPACTO DAS FAKE NEW SEM TEMPOS DE PANDEMIA
Lavínia Klein dos Santos, André Gobbo (Autor)
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The aftermath of Ukraine’s Revolution of Dignity provoked a lot of criticism among the students of LGBT topics. The principles of non-discrimination and protection of LGBT rights are an exemplary manifestation of European values to which Euromaidan declared adherence. The Association Agreement between Ukraine and the European Union, which was signed after the Revolution, as well as visa-free travel, which was granted to Ukrainian citizens, obliged this country to liberalise LGBT-related laws due to the EUʼs policy on the instrumentalisation of LGBT rights. However, there is a view that this step may cause conflicts in Ukrainian society, which is still predominantly homophobic, and only lead to a superficial change in the condition of LGBT people owing to pressure from the European Union. Some scholars (e.g. Shevtsova [2020], Wannebo [2017]) claim that the instrumentalisation policy has even resulted in a backlash against the LGBT community and worsened the overall situation for them...

Drawing on Furio Jesi’s 1979 Cultura di destra [Right Wing Culture], this article sketches a preliminary genealogy of fascist accelerationism, a distinct current of white supremacist militancy responsible for a considerable number of North American mass murder events over the span of four decades. After positioning Jesi’s theory of fascist violence within the broader methodological turn of his late period work, the article proceeds to outline three key features of right-wing thought: a language of wordless ideas, a funerary religion of exemplary deaths, and a repertoire of militant yet militarily «useless» tasks. Resisting the tendency either to over- or under-politicize these deadly events, Jesi’s analysis instead allows us recognize the operation of a mythological machine that animates white supremacist mass murders over the past half century. The aim of this article is to trace the genesis and mutation of this machine, with particular emphasis on the period from 1975 to the present.

Constantin Apostol (1903-1995) was a prominent representative of the interwar Romanian horse riding [1]. He was born in Săgeata, Buzău County [2], attended primary school in his home town, high school in Buzău and military studies in Târgovişte and Sibiu. As far as his military career is concerned, C. Apostol advanced up to the rank of a lieutenant-colonel. He participated in various international competitions, winning many awards, including the first prize, in countries, such as: England, Austria, Belgium, Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia, Germany, France, Italy, Poland. He took part in the military operations of World War II, both in the East and in the West, being decorated for his actions on both war fields. After the establishment of the communist regime, Constantin Apostol was continuosly humiliated, and finally imprisoned. In our work, the author aims to present, for the first time ever, precisely this final stage of his life.

In the current year, the Revolution of 1848/49 – the Springtime of the Peoples – celebrates its 175th anniversary. After the barricade fights in Paris (February of 1848) and the subsequent abolition of the monarchy, the revolution spread like a wildfire all over Europe. From Paris to Bucharest, from Northern Germany to Sicily, the peoples of Europe claimed different rights and liberties: the general (male) suffrage, constitutional and parliamentary systems of rule, the abolition of censorship, better living and working conditions, the secularization of the state, and national sovereignty as the result of the end of foreign rule. Hence, despite the heterogeneity of these claims, there was one common thing: all these uprisings were driven by ideas of progress and justice. There was, however, another common thing: these revolutions were not successful and the revolutionary euphoria and the regimes conceived by them were ephemeral, except for the foundation of the Swiss Confederation in September of 1848.

Δυστοπία 2028 (Ή το χρέος να ενωθούμε στον αγώνα για να μην φτάσουμε εκεί) Του Στράτου Γεωργούλα Καθηγητή Πανεπιστημίου Αιγαίου, Περιφερειακού συμβούλου Β. Αιγαίου Απόσπασμα ρεπορτάζ: «Μεγάλη ήττα υπέστη στις χθεσινές περιφερειακές εκλογές η «κεντροαριστερή» συμμαχία της Νέας Δημοκρατίας με τα μικρότερα συγγενή κόμματα Προοδευτική Συμμαχία (παλιότερα ΣΥΡΙΖΑ) και Δημοκρατικό Κέντρο (παλιότερα ΠΑΣΟΚ). Στις περισσότερες περιφέρειες κέρδισαν τα σχήματα που υποστήριξε η «κεντροδεξιά» παράταξη της «Ελληνικής λύσης για τη Νίκη», ενώ πολύ αυξημένα ποσοστά πέτυχαν τα σχήματα που υποστήριξε το Ναζιστικό Κόμμα Ελλάδας με αρχηγό τον πρώην κρατούμενο των φυλακών, Φύρερ Ηλία Κασιδιάρη. Στις επερχόμενες βουλευτικές εκλογές κρίσιμη είναι η στήριξη της ρεαλιστικής οπτικής που πρεσβεύει το σύνθημα «μόνο ο Χριστός σώζει» για να μη γίνει πράξη ο κίνδυνος απόλυτης κυριαρχίας του ναζιστικού κόμματος του οποίου πρόταση είναι να μη γίνονται πια εκλογές γιατί το ποσοστό συμμετοχής έχει πέσει κάτω από το 35% και δεν έχει καμία σημασία. Να θυμίσουμε ότι στις επερχόμενες εκλογές δεν μπορούν να συμμετάσχουν κόμματα τα οποία έχουν στο καταστατικό τους τις λέξεις σοσιαλισμός, κομμουνισμός, αλλαγή της κοινωνίας.

On the face of it, contemporary "alt-tech" platforms appear more moderate than legacy hate havens. Yet it's also clear that virulent hate in the form of misogyny, white supremacy, and xenophobia has not disappeared. Probing this tension, this article conceptualizes two forms of hate: Surface "Hate" (moderate content that is highly visible and easily accessible) and Sublevel Hate (explicit content that is more marginal and less discernible). These terms are illustrated by examining several viral videos on Rumble. This twinned mechanism explains how alt-tech platforms can be both accessible and extreme at the same time. Stratified hate is strategic, heightening the appeal and durability of online communities. Recognizing this dangerous dynamic is key for interventions seeking to counter it.

The book argues that fascist memory had a key role in the historical formation and later return of fascism. Tracing the trajectory of a perennial figure of fascist memory, the cult of Eszter Sólymosi, from interwar Hungary through the Cold War West to contemporary Hungary, the book covers a century of fascism and offers a unique combination of fascism studies and memory studies.

How did fascists challenge liberal memory after the First World War? How did the memory culture they created come to frame and feed the Second World War and the genocide? In what ways did fascist memory transform as they navigated the challenges of exile in a profoundly changed political landscape and tried to counter the postwar order? And what role did their legacy, carefully crafted for a post-Communist future, play as later neo-fascists rejected democratic transformation? Eventually, as fascist memory traveled across time and space, the book argues, it contributed to the political challenges that we face today.

Based on a variety of unpublished sources, the book offers new insights for students of memory, Holocaust, fascism, and antisemitism studies, Jewish studies, Central and Eastern European history, and Hungarian studies.

A major development on the European far right since 1945 is the turn to a 'metapolitics' supposedly influenced by the Italian Marxist theorist Antonio Gramsci. Metapolitics, in this sense, deemphasizes electoral politics in favor of intellectual activism and the pursuit of 'cultural hegemony' as a prelude to seizing political power. This article examines the metapolitics of the European New Right (ENR) from a new theoretical and historical perspective. It argues that the literature of the US 'culture wars' better explains the enr's practice than any reception of Gramsci. And it presents enr metapolitics not as the strategic reformulation of interwar fascism but as part of a broad transatlantic backlash against the leftist successes of the 1960s. This approach better accounts for ENR intellectuals' function as 'culture warriors' specializing in demonization and mastery of the tools of public discourse.

PACHECO, Gabriela Santi. Entre aproximações e afastamentos: a representação de Gustavo Barroso na Panorama. In: Leandro Pereira Gonçalves; Odilon Caldeira Neto. (Org.). Integralismo e liderança: ensaios críticos. Juiz de Fora: Editora UFJF, 2023, p. 53-69.

The paper sketches the context in which Einstein and Freud's joint publication Why War? appeared under the auspices of the League of Nations in 1933. Instead of the authors' holding a lack of rationality and the human proclivity for aggression responsible, the paper emphasizes the increasingly precarious relation between the observable historical situation of the late Weimar Republic (its Wahrnehmungswelt) and its imagined counterpart (Vorstellungswelt). A summary analysis of Einstein's and Freud's arguments is followed by an overview of the broadly accepted historical situation of the Weimar Republic from 1929 to 1933. By contrast, the Weimar Republic is then viewed in terms of the dominant sentiments of the day, against which Einstein's and Freud's explanatory strategy looks unsatisfactory. Foregrounding the human capacity of imaginability, the Conclusion replaces their emphasis on reason and instinct by the claim that under certain circumstances the Wahrnehmungswelt itself becomes irrelevant, instead becoming subservient to the imagined world. When the discrepancy between an actual historical situation and the imagined community becomes unbridgeable, anything, including the option of war, becomes preferable to the status quo.