Roman History

Between 2012 and 2016, Ruprecht Schleyer travelled throughout Anatolia, photographing the remains of the most celebrated archaeological sites in Asia Minor. He took with him 19th century archaeological pictures of these places, and photographed the sites from exactly the same place and perspective as the ones made two centuries ago. From the acqueduct at Aspendos to the Sphinx Gate in Galatia, to the Temple of Artemis in Lydia, Schleyer’s beautifully diligent photographs record the contemporary condition of these archaeological wonders. Reproduced alongside the astonishing 19th century pictures, these photographs allow you not only to compare the wear of history on these remains, but they also vividly reflect the culture of Orientalism. In some places, grass has grown over the masonry, or a fully grown tree towers over a courtyard, in others a column or statue have disappeared, while sites such as the Roman theatre at Hierapolis, appear scrupulously restored. Schleyer’s photographs form such exact comparisons, you can trace the patina of time on actual stones and, standing back, on whole landscapes.
Ruprecht Schleyer writes about his experiences photographing these sites, and relates the history of those who preceeded him in the 19th century. The exotically dressed figures who stand in these earlier pictures are more than living providers of scale; as Wolfgang Filser explores in his essay, they are actors in the 19th century's Orientalist imagination.

Roma İmparatorluk tarihinde ecelleriyle ölen ve “Evlat Edinilen veya İyi İmparatorlar” olarak anılan Nerva, Traianus, Hadrianus, Antoninus Pius ve Marcus Aurelius’un ardından Commodus’un (MS 180-193) iktidarı başlamıştır. Commodus’un devlet idaresini danışmanlarının eline bırakması başarısız bir yönetim sürmesine ve bu sebeple suikasta kurban gitmesine neden olmuştur. Commodus’un ölümüyle başlayan ve Septimius Severus’un iktidarına kadar devam eden dört yıllık kaotik süreci “II. Yüzyıl Krizi” olarak adlandırmaktayız. Commodus’un ölümünden sonra praetor muhafızları tarafından iktidara getirilen Pertinax, üç ay içerisinde tekrar onlar tarafından tahttan indirilmiştir. Pertinax’ın ölümünden sonra, Roma tahtı tarihinde ilk kez ordu tarafından müzayedeye çıkarılmış ve Didius Iulianus tarafından satın alınmıştır. Yaşanan bu olayın ardından farklı bölgelerdeki askerler ayaklanarak kendi komutanlarını imparator olarak selamlamışlardır. Bunun sonucunda Didius Iulianus, Pescennius Niger, Clodius Albinus ile Septimius Severus arasında yaklaşık dört yıl süren iktidar mücadelesinin sebep olduğu bir kriz meydana gelmiştir. Bu dönemde devam eden salgın hastalıklar ve ekonomik kriz istikrarsızlığın artmasına neden olmuştur. Bu esnada imparatorluğun temel taşı olan Senatus, askerlerin karşısında güç kaybetmiş, imparator tercihini yaparken askerlerin seçimini onaylamak zorunda kalmıştır. Dört yıllık bu süreçte ordunun öne çıkması, Senatusun güç kaybetmesi ve siyasi istikrarsızlık Roma tahtına geçiş sistemini etkileyerek daha uzun sürecek olan “III. Yüzyıl Krizi” nin habercisi olmuştur. Bu çalışmanın amacı MS 193-197 yılları arasında yaşanan kriz döneminin sebep ve sonuçlarını ele alarak Roma İmparatorluk tarihine etkisini ortaya koymaktır.

With the conquest of ancient Macedonia by the Romans, the first stage of the Roman expansion in the Balkans came to an end. A period of lull followed, which was briefly interrupted by a new advance of the expansion between 149 and 146 BC. The subsequent establishment of the provinces of Macedonia and Achaea launched a new phase of Roman policy in the region, which was aimed at strengthening the conquered positions and at a temporary cessation of the Roman expansion in the Balkans. A detailed analysis of the causes and events related to the preparation and development of an uprising led by Andriscus is important, because it will make it possible to trace the attitude of the Romans towards these events, this person and the actions taken by him, which in turn allows to detect trends and dynamics in them in terms of the goals and methods followed by the Romans in their expansion in the Balkans during the period under review.

The techniques of ornamentation are diverse and depend on the type of fabric and the knowledge and cultural specificity of the one who applies them. In this article, we will focus on the „bocori” point embroidery, an identity mark of the Huedin fair and its area of influence.

This paper focuses on researches already undertaken and presented in this conference: starting from the work previously carried out for the setting up, at the urban scale, of a consistent database for the fortified walls of the city of Turin � which updates reading diagrams, maps, archival documents �, it intends to make thematic analysis aimed on the one hand to survey the �existing� and to critically read historical layers, on the other hand to digital reconstructions. In this regard, city gates constitute a homogeneous architectural 'category' that follow the complex transformation � by enlargements, overlays, reconnections � of the walls layout. On the gates, we are organizing a collection of digital representations, uniformly designed and organized to test study approaches, operating methods, purposes and modes of the graphic communication: starting from the analysis and instrumental survey of the only well-preserved gate (Porta Palatina, I century AD) for the represent...

Falerio Picenus (now Piane di Falerone) was a rather important town in Antiquity, as we can presume
from the ancient sources, from the communication routes that crossed it, and from the remains of the
ancient monuments still preserved. A theatre, an amphitheatre, monumental cisterns and tombs were
discovered, but all of them were stripped of their decorations during Late Antiquity and Middle Ages.
This paper presents a three-dimensional reconstruction of the city’s theatre, based on a new survey of
the structures using a long-range 3D laser scanner, combined and integrated with photogrammetry and
direct survey. The model is supposed to serve not only as a show case of the original shape of the public
building, but also as a real research tool.

Antik dönemde Adriyatik Denizi’nin doğusunda, Illyria adıyla bilinen bölgede birbirleriyle çok az kültürel ve etnik bağları olan, birbirlerinden bağımsız kabileler yaşamıştır. Hellen ve Romalı yazarlar Illyria’yı vahşi ve izole bir bölge gibi algıladıklarından, Illyria meseleleri ve onların diğer halklarla olan etkileşimleri hakkında verdikleri bilgiler genelde sınırlıdır. Her ne kadar Illyria tarihine dair detaylar halen belirsizliğini korusa da arkeolojik ve epigrafik kanıtlar sayesinde Illyrialıların kökenleri, dilleri, yaşam tarzları ve komşu halklarla olan ilişkileri hakkındaki bilgilerimiz gün geçtikçe artmaktadır. Tarihsel kaynaklarda korsanlık eylemleri ile ön plana çıkan Illyrialıların, geçimlerini bu yoldan sağladıkları konusunda antik yazarlar birtakım anekdotlar sunmuşlardır. Korsanların Adriyatik ve Ion Denizi’ndeki yağmacı tavırları, İtalya ve Hellas’tan gelen gemileri soymaları ve tüccarları öldürmeleri bir süre sonra Romalılar ve Illyrialıları karşı karşıya getirmiştir. Bununla ilgili olarak Romalıların Adriyatik Denizi’nin doğu kıyısında elde ettiği kontrolün niteliği ve kapsamı, en erken ne zaman başladığı hep bir merak konusu olmuştur.
Roma’nın doğu yönünde yayılışının anlaşılmasında, Kraliçe Teuta önemli bir kişiliktir. Onun hakimiyet döneminin (MÖ yaklaşık 231-227), Romalıların Adriyatik Denizi’nin doğusundaki bölgelere ilk askeri müdahalesinin ve Illyria halklarının Roma nüfuzuna girme sürecinin başlangıcı olduğu ileri sürülebilir. Savaşın sebebi çoğunlukla korsanlık faaliyetlerine bağlansa da esasen kaynaklar, Teuta ve Romalılar arasındaki savaşın patlak vermesine ilişkin çelişkili bilgiler vermektedir. Bu çalışmanın amacı, Kraliçe Teuta ve savaştaki rolüne odaklanarak Romalıların Adriyatik’e müdahale etmelerindeki temel motivasyonları hakkında birtakım çıkarımlarda bulunmaktır.

Öz: Karadeniz Ereğli Müzesi’ndeki epigrafik çalışmalarımız kapsamında Zonguldak ili Gökçebey ilçesi Asartepe mevkiinden müzeye getirilen yazıtlı bir adak taşı ile karşılaştık. Ön yüzündeki yazıtından, “Meter Theon
Lykokhorites (Lykokhorion’un Ana Tanrıçası) huzurunda/nezdinde Hosios Dikaios (Aziz/Kutsal ve Adil) Aleksandros’a” adandığı anlaşılmıştır. Yüzeyinin zarar görmüş olmasından dolayı yazıtının bazı satırları ve alt
kısmı okunamaz durumdadır. Hosios Dikaios, Anadolu’da çokça belgelenmiş ve halen niteliği tartışılan bir tanrı adı ya da sıfatıdır. Burada adı geçen Aleksandros’un ise Lukianos’un (MS ca. 120-190) Sahte Peygamber Aleksandros eserinde hikayesini anlattığı, Antoninus Pius döneminde Yılan Tanrısı Glykon’u, “Yeni Asklepios” sıfatıyla kullanarak Paphlagonia’daki Abonuteikhos (Kastamonu-İnebolu) kentinde bir kehanet ve tapınım merkezi kuran Aleksandros olduğunu düşünüyoruz. Bu makalede yazıtın içeriği, Hosios Dikaios Aleksandros ve Meter Theon kültlerinin Tios/Tieion antik kentindeki varlığı ile tartışılmaktadır.

Abstract: During the epigraphic studies in the Karadeniz Ereğli Museum, we worked on a altar that was brought to the museum from Asartepe of Gökçebey District in Zonguldak. From the inscription, it was understood that the altar was dedicated to Hosios Dikaios Aleksandros, at the place of/by the side of Meter Theon Lykochorites. Due to the wear on the surface of the stone, some lines of the inscription are partially illegible. Hosios Dikaios (Saint and Righteous) is a god or epitheton of a deity, which is widely documented in Anatolia, and his identity is still debated. It made us think that Alexandros, who is mentioned here, might be the Alexandros, whose noteworthy story was narrated in the work of the writer Lucianus (ca. 120-190 AD) in his work “The False Prophet Alexander”. According to this story, he established a prophecy, and worshipping center in the period of Antoninus Pius (138-161 AD) in Paphlagonian Abonouteichus presenting his snake God Glycon as “New Asclepius”. In this article, the content of the inscription is discussed together with the presence of the cults of Hosios Dikaios Alexandros and Meter Theon in the ancient city of Tios/Tieion.

Dorel Bondoc, VTERE FELIX belts sets from the Roman auxiliary fort at Răcari, in: S. Mustață, V.A. Lăzărescu, V. Bârcă, V. Rusu-Bolindeț, D. Matei (eds.), FA B E R. Studies in Honour of Sorin Cociș at his 65th Anniversary, Cluj-Napoca 2022, p. 261-266.

Panaetius of Rhodes. Introduction The existence of few texts about Panaetius is recognized. It is about establishing his biography and thought and discussing his role in the circle of the Scipios and his political position before the Gracchi revolution. Here we will maintain that it maintains an intermediate position, in which it wants to make the reforms within the framework of the law.

Amongst the 'Sallusts' that 'Sallustian scholars' had fashioned by the 1960s, D. C. Earl listed 'the moralist, pure artist, philosopher, imperialist, [and] political propagandist' (JRS 52 (1962), 276, abbreviated); to Karl Büchner, whose 'lengthy work' Earl reviewed politely rather than unfavourably, Sallust appeared to be a 'politician and … historian'. These two would also occupy Ronald Syme, whose 1964 Sallust is considered the most important English-language contribution of the last century (given that La Penna's Sallustio e la 'rivoluzione' Romana appeared in 1968, this was a golden decade for Sallustiani). But the differences were striking: whereas Büchner relied on his literary expertise to pursue an often philosophical interest (e.g. 1982 [2nd edn], 11), Syme mustered his prosopographical astuteness and kept his eye 'on the political scene within and behind the works' (A. D. Leeman, Gnomon 39 (1967), 57). It is a testament to Syme's importance that he is mentioned repeatedly on the rst page of Andrew Feldherr's After the Past; but, as becomes clear quickly, rather by way of contrast. For F.'s reading of the monographshe excludes the Historiae (14)is informed by theories that were largely developed after Sallust: intertextuality, narratology and the historiographical turn; and it is animated by Sallust's ambiguous role(s) as political participant and historical writer, the temporal distance between which ultimately contributes to his awareness of 'the historicity of history, of the temporal situatedness of the historian in relation to events' (3). This awareness 'fundamentally structures Sallust's representation of the past' (3), and not the least in the ways that it makes his readers experience that open space between event and word (hence the title After the Past): if history is contingent, so is historiography, so is its reception. F.'s Sallust is a hermeneut who wants his readers to participate in his hermeneutics. Following the Introduction, which is primarily concerned with the narratological dimension (and develops J. Grethlein's Experience and Teleology in Ancient Historiography (2013), emphasising the audience's involvement in balancing these two poles), F. approaches Sallust and his readers in six chapters that cover familiar topicsbut in this new perspective and with unusual evidentiary supplements. Ch. 1 contrasts the general philosophical beginning with the particular descriptive ending of the Cat. and illuminatingly juxtaposes the latter with the conventions and themes of three of Brutus' lost works, i.e. a historical epitome, an epideictic life, a philosophical treatise on uirtus (25), while exploring various conceptions of historiography and similarities between Brutus and Catiline. Ch. 2 revisits the uneasy relationship between history and rhetoric, in part via a detailed discussion of A. J. Woodman's Rhetoric in Classical Historiography (1988). Here F. deepens our understanding of Sallust's dialogue with Cicero's historiographical theory and suggests that Sallust wants his readers to scrutinise (71) the (rhetorical) writing in the writing of history and, furthermore, renegotiates the boundary in neg/otium, when he highlights the complexity and consequences of historical writing. Ch. 3 studies misericordia and inuidia in the Cat., moving from Caesar's inhibition of emotions (Cat. 51.1) through Polybius' discussion of the role of pity in historiography to Sallust's thematic and programmatic (116) use thereof to alert his readers, once more, to its ambiguity and ambiguous effects on historical agents, the historian and the readers themselves ('ambiguous' may well be the word that describes Sallust best, in F.'s opinion). The function of inuidia is studied especially in the context of Fulvia's revelation of the conspiracy, which leads to a parallelisation of her to Sallust (134). Ch. 4 discusses how Sallust 'constructs an ongoing contest with tragedy in his work' (137) and how his readers would have responded to his tragic elements. F. focuses on 'three characteristics of tragedy' (140): its 'emphasis on changes of condition', its foreignness and facilitation of exchange (between cultures) and 'its accentuation of history's connection with truth'. Adherbal resembles Medea, Jugurtha is both a 'dangerous foreigner' and one whose downfall provokes Roman reection on their own precariousness (151) and Sulla, tragically, 'conates nal victory with the beginning of the end of

Due to recent osteoarchaeological publications, prominent historians, archaeologists  and  osteologists  have  reignited  the  debate  over  the  practice  of  infant  and  child  sacrifice  at  Phoenician sites in the central Mediterranean. In all previous studies, including osteoarchaeological approaches, the debate has been conducted on terms established by the Greco-Roman sources. Here, I move away from those sources and suggest a series of demographic models in order to understand better the effects of infanticide on population growth at Phoenician colonies in the Early Iron Age central Mediterranean.

Paolo Testa and Riccardo Cerri, in Stefano Sai et al. (editors), Hypogea2023, Proceedings of IV International Congress of Speleology in Artificial Cavities, Italy, Genoa, September 29th/October 1st, Genova, Centro Studi Sotterranei, pp. 293-302

Los siete discursos de Marco Tulio Cicerón reunidos en este volumen están marcados por el exilio del orador (58-57 a. C.). Debido a las pugnas políticas que se producían en el Senado entre la oligarquía (de la que era partidario Cicerón) y la facción democrática (liderada por Julio César), los sucesos precipitaron salida del primero de Roma, tras el éxito de los movimientos para aislarlo de su más acérrimo adversario: Publio Clodio. A su vuelta a la capital, Cicerón volvió a ejercer como letrado y en sus discursos y alegatos la sombra del exilio y de la época turbulenta que estaba viviendo la ciudad está siempre presente. Los seis primeros textos los pronunció entre septiembre del 57 y mayo del 56 a. C. El último, En defensa de T. Anio Milón, del año 52, está íntimamente relacionado con los anteriores, ya que Milón fue el asesino de Clodio.
Publicados originalmente en la BCG con el número 195, este volumen presenta las traducciones de En agradecimiento al Senado, En agradecimiento al pueblo, Sobre la casa, Sobre la respuesta de los arúspices, En defensa de P. Sestio, Contra P. Vatinio, En defensa de T. Anio Milón llevadas a cabo por José Miguel Baños Baños.

Presentamos en esta contribución un estudio prosopográfico de los primeros magistrados de las colonias romanas de la Bética, esto es, de aquellos colonos que desempeñaron las magistraturas cívicas en el horizonte fundacional de sus respectivas colonias, etapa que coincide, grosso modo, con los reinados de Augusto y Tiberio. Ellos fueron los encargados de poner en marcha las nuevas ciudades desde un punto de vista material e institucional.

La giornata è organizzata da Valeria Piano e Barbara Del Giovane nell’ambito del Progetto “DaLiB_Dal Libro alla Biblioteca. Produzione, circolazione e fruizione libraria nel Mediterraneo Antico: Grecia, Egitto, Roma” (CUP: B55F21007580003). In apertura dei lavori sarà presentato il nuovo portale sulle biblioteche antiche creato dal gruppo DaLiB.

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The Conference is organised by Valeria Piano and Barbara Del Giovane as part of the Project "DaLiB_Dal Libro alla Biblioteca. Produzione, circolazione e fruizione libraria nel Mediterraneo Antico: Grecia, Egitto, Roma" (CUP: B55F21007580003). The new website on ancient libraries created by the DaLiB group will be presented at the opening of the conference.

Sve veći i brži napredak tehnologije omogućava nove načine prikupljanja prostornih podataka. Razvoj tehnologije uvelike je utjecao na sve češće pojavljivanje dobrovoljnih geoinformacija kao izvora podataka. Iako su dobrovoljne geoinformacije napredak u prikupljanju podataka, postavlja se pitanje kvalitete takvih podataka. Najpoznatiji je primjer dobrovoljnih geoinformacija OpenStreetMap (OSM), kojim se stvara otvorena, slobodna, digitalna karta svijeta iz volonterski prikupljenih podataka. Predmet je ovog rada proučiti strukture podataka i objekte OpenStreetMapa za urbana područja te proučiti preporuke za standardizaciju podataka pri kartiranju sadržaja u OSM-u i modelu podataka OSM-a. U praktičnom dijelu rada prvo je analizirano prije prikazano područje grada Novske na OSM-u, zatim je to područje kartirano u skladu s opisanim preporukama. Kartiranje Novske izvedeno je u JOSM-u, a pomoću QGIS-a su dobiveni brojčani podaci za analizu.The technological progress enables new ways of spa...

Este articulo analiza la relacion entre esclavitud y adivinacion en Roma desde dos perspectivas diferentes: los esclavos como adivinos y sus consultas adivinatorias. El estudio de los textos antiguos permite concluir que los esclavos poseian una capacidad especial para la adivinacion natural y que su practica entraba en conflicto con la "artificiosa divinatio", dirigida por el sacerdocio oficial. (A.)

Just as a non-existent type of artificial intelligence can be imagined in today's science fiction novels or movies, some scholars believe that intelligent machines, and accordingly, weaker or stronger types of artificial intelligence that are technologically impossible to exist are also imagined in the Homeric poems. In this study, not all of the passages associated with artificial intelligence, but only Hephaestus’ self-moving tripods (automatoi tripodes) described in the 18th book of the Iliad have been re-evaluated and analyzed as a metaphor for the first time. As the result of this analysis, a new suggestion is made that Hephaestus’ tripods (the three-legged cauldrons) symbolize Achilles’ incomplete journey, and the passage depicting the tripods is the closure of the first half of the epic, which narrates the Achilles’ anger against Agamemnon, and the depiction of the shield of Achilles is the opening of the second half, narrating the hero’s anger against Hector. The fact that the closure and the opening take place just in the middle (26th day) of the main story lasting 51 days (25 + 1 + 25), and the mirror image of two different types of anger directed first against Agamemnon and then against Hector strengthens the ring-composition of the epic.

Keywords: Homer, Hephaestus, Tripods, Bellows, Artificial Intelligence, Metaphor

In età tardorepubblicana l’ampiezza e la portata delle conquiste romane dovettero convincere l’oligarchia senatoria che i fines populi Romani erano destinati a crescere fino coincidere con quelli del mondo intero. Questa convinzione raggiunse lo zenit in età augustea, quando Roma era divenuta non solo la “capitale del mondo” (caput orbis terrarum), ma anche una città-olimpo, sede in cui convergevano tutti gli dèi. Le Res gestae, i poeti di corte e l’iconografia ufficiale hanno celebrato un Augusto al tempo stesso trionfatore e pacificatore, che avrebbe perseguito il disegno di un impero universale almeno fino al disastro di Teotoburgo. Di contro a questa visione trionfalistica si collocano una serie di documenti, prima fra tutti il consilium coercendi intra terminos imperii rivolto dallo stesso Augusto in punto di morte a Tiberio. Nell’animo del principe, secondo Svetonio, non vi sarebbe stata alcun desiderio di estendere in qualsiasi modo l’impero o di accrescere la propria gloria militare, ma un’antica virtù romana, chiamata moderatio. Gli storici moderni si sono divisi tra queste due visioni, giudicandole alternative e incompatibili. Forse non è necessario scegliere, nel momento in cui si distingue il livello delle autorappresentazioni, i dogmi della “propaganda”, la strategia comunicativa, dalle intenzioni reali, dai dubbi, dai timori privati. Augusto aveva avuto tutto il tempo per riempire il mondo di segni, immagini e parole che celebravano il sogno di un impero senza confini. Per i suoi contemporanei non dovette essere facile distinguere l’auspicio dal suo avveramento. Se molti finirono per credergli, non è per ingenuità, ma perché la comunicazione fu avvolgente e straordinariamente efficace.

Статья посвящена убийству Гая Меммия в 100 г. до н.э. Обычно считается, что его организовали Л. Апулей Сатурнин и Г. Сервилий Главция. Некоторые ученые предполагают, что оно произошло случайно во время неожиданно начавшихся беспорядков, поскольку Сатурнин и Главция не были заинтересованы в гибели Меммия. В статье доказывается, что больше всего от этого выигрывал принцепс сената Марк Эмилий Скавр-непримиримый враг Меммия и Сатурнина, который, возможно, и организовал убийство. Тем самым он не только устранял Меммия, но и провоцировал репрессии против Сатурнина и его сторонников, которые были обвинены в убийстве Меммия и уничтожены.