International Relations Theory

In tile present era (Jjo rejorn1s ,11ere is considerable political tension and certain political education transforming current visi()n..\' oj'politics needs to be conducted as an effort to decrease tile political tenSi()1l. It will present a new vision ofpolitics 10ltgedfor by tJ10se WIlD dearly love peace. In thL\" vision politics will no longer be a rough world allowing all Ineans14ir or.foul, disavowing any etllics, etc. It will Inake women unafraid to take part in politics so tllat politics will n(J l()nger be a men's w()rld Wilen the people are more fully aware ofand know more about politics, then they will not be easily made to fight one anotlter, l1lade into blindfarlatics, and made U~\'e ofby tile political elite to gain tlleir lfesires. The transformational political education can be done both formally through pedagogy alld informally tJlrougJl androgynous tllinking and. by nleans ofthe mass media, botll electronic and printed. TIle education uses a cr...

Constructed languages (conlangs) are a way for fans and audiences to more fully immerse themselves in a story. Conlangs provide for that itch of mystery and intrigue that allow us to engage with our internal puzzle solver. As we struggle to figure out words and phrases, we are becoming part of the story – we put ourselves into character’s places and consider what and how we might interact with this new language. Further, conlangs encourage us to think about language and what we mean when we say something. They also make us ponder how everything we encounter has a name and how every name has a story. Perhaps no television episode in history exemplifies this investigative itch more than the Star Trek: The Next Generation’s (TNG, 1987-1994) season five episode, “Darmok.”

This chapter discusses the unsettling issue of how investigation processes in pursuit of uncovering the most horrifying terror plots in the history of Bangladesh are politicized in order to bring opposition party members into the spotlight, and how inefficient trial processes lead to innocent people getting harassed. Even more troubling, the anti-terrorism laws that were enacted, the counterterrorism agencies that were put in place, and the surveillance technologies acquired in the last two decades in the name of fighting terrorism have eventually helped normalize violations of privacy rights and human rights. Moreover, the ruling regime attempts to portray the main opposition party as a mere terrorist group but declares itself as the only reliable partner in the global war on terror in order to maintain support from regional powers like India and Western powers in general. It is therefore impossible to ignore the links between the politics of counterterrorism and Bangladesh’s authoritarian rule. Accordingly, the laudatory discourse about Bangladesh’s apparent success in combatting terrorism ought to be studied with caution.

Artikel ini menganalisis alasan orang-orang Ukraina cenderung mendukung negaranya untuk berintegrasi dengan Barat, terutama Uni Eropa dibandingkan dengan Rusia. Artikel ini menggunakan konsep konstruktivisme dari Ted Hopf yang terdiri dari dua komponen tentang pembentukan identitas yaitu identitas dapat dibentuk selama proses interaksi antara negara dan identitas  juga dapat dibentuk di komunitas domestik itu sendiri. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah metode kualitatif dengan pendekatan eksplanatori dan menggunakan data sekunder. Artikel ini menemukan bahwa identitas yang terbentuk dalam masyarakat domestik Ukraina cenderung melihat nilai-nilai barat seperti perlindungan hak asasi manusia, toleransi budaya lain dan kebebasan beragama, kebebasan individu dan demokrasi, serta kesejahteraan masyarakat sebagai referensi positif sehingga mereka ingin mengadopsi nilai-nilai tersebut dan menjadi bagian dari masyarakat Barat. Selain itu, interaksi positif yang terjadi antara...

La investigación posee el objetivo de evaluar el efecto de las vainas del Samanea saman (Jacq.) Merr., en la alimentación del ovino Pelibuey. Se desarrolló en la finca “Terranova”, en San Luis, Santiago de Cuba. Se utilizaron 32 ovinos machos, distribuidos en cuatro grupos y peso promedio inicial de 18,52 kg, con un diseño completamente aleatorizado; con cuatro tratamientos por 48 días (0%, 10%, 20% y 30% de Ss). Como resultado se obtuvo que las vainas poseen un alto valor nutritivo y su uso como suplemento en ovinos de ceba evidenció una diferencia significativa alta (<0.001) en cuanto al peso corporal, la ganancia media diaria y la conversión de la suplementación. Se concluye que los mejores resultados fueron con Ss al 10% y 20%, seguido del 30% con respecto al que no recibió vainas de este tipo.

This paper takes issue with what I have called the process of ‘constitutional dismantling’ that can be observed in the field of external migration policy through the tactical informalisation of readmission cooperation. It maps out the strategic use of soft law to secure expulsion agreements with third countries, mediating the tacit approval or active involvement of the EU institutions and the Member States. The strategy is perceived by its proponents to increase the efficacy of policy and improve its intended outcomes, but at the expense of foundational principles of EU law. The principles of conferral, institutional balance, and sincere/loyal cooperation impose key constraints on EU and Member State action that the choice for soft law mechanisms ignores. My main contention is that this is not an unintended consequence, but a deliberate result with noxious effects for the entire EU legal order. The disregard for core rule of law standards that this approach demonstrates amounts to a form of ‘concerted disintegration’ pursued by the very actors supposed to guard the EU integration project and oversee its realisation in line with Treaty provisions. Rather than furthering the ‘integration through law’ model, at work since van Gend & Loos, the informalisation trend negates the force and function of legal norms as both the object and agent of Europeanisation. The soft law route denotes the instrumentalisation of legal mechanisms for the advancement of policy objectives, the fulfilment of which is elevated above and beyond constitutional rules (that apparently can be dispensed with at will), embracing instead a regulation-without-legitimation paradigm that unravels the EU’s constitutional framework. The approach signals a perilous deviation towards the tactical weakening of key foundations of the EU system, de-naturalising the external dimension of EU integration for strategic gain in the migration field, eliminating democratic oversight, impeding judicial review, preventing human rights enforcement, and corroding competence attribution, institutional balance, sincere cooperation, and EU values overall. The most alarming is the reverse competence creep that this move involves, operated (by stealth) without Treaty amendment, and that it is orchestrated from within the Union. The intentional subversion of the Community method strays towards a new ends-driven kind of discretionary governance, where founding principles can be disregarded for policy convenience. The paper problematises this development against the background of the rule of law crisis unfolding in the Union, not only in the Member States, as others have documented, but crucially at the EU level as well. The ramifications of this phenomenon, although yet unknown in their full extent, are significant across the board for the EU regime as a whole.

W tekście poddajemy analizie polską tradycję badań nad kulturą polityczną z perspektywy rozwoju paradygmatu. Głównym założeniem wywodu jest występowanie spójnego i możliwego do zidentyfikowania paradygmatu, który wykształcił się w efekcie starań naukowców reprezentujących nauki o polityce, socjologię oraz inne dyscypliny nauk społecznych. Jako centralne narzędzie analityczne proponujemy schemat rozwoju paradygmatu, który w zasadniczej części zainspirowany jest koncepcjami Ludwika Flecka i Thomasa Kuhna. Poszczególne etapy jego rozwoju prezentują się następująco: a) etap preliminaryjny; b) wprowadzenie założeń metodologicznych i teoretycznych; c) pogłębianie teorii; d) modyfikacje teorii; e) aplikacje teorii; f) krytyka teorii. Ponadto takie ujęcie pozwala dostrzec teorie, które znalazły się poza nawiasem paradygmatu polskich badań nad kulturą polityczną, jak również lepiej zrozumieć kierunki myślenia politologów funkcjonujących w ramach rzeczonego paradygmatu. Tekst ukazuje nie tyle chronologię badań, co logikę prowadzenia dociekań naukowych.

This article focuses on apartheid South Africa’s participation in United Nations-organized international environmental initiatives in the 1970s in order to reassess contemporary and historiographical views that the country was an extremely reluctant participant in UN-led environmental initiatives in the 1970s because it threatened the country’s policy of uncontrolled economic growth and promoted the environment as a political issue, and because the country was not allowed to participate in many of these UN initiatives owing to its isolation within this world body. Utilizing archival evidence, this article clearly demonstrates that the processes whereby the country decided whether or not to participate in specific UN-organized international environmental initiatives in the 1970s were very complex and conflicting, and in general did not result from a lack of governmental commitment to address the country’s multiple environmental challenges. The main argument of this article is that So...

Los paralelos entre el mapa de Latzina y el infructuoso reclamo argentino por las Islas del Canal de Beagle son evidentes. El mapa de Latzina aporta precisamente las mismas pruebas respecto a las Malvinas en la medida en que no eran territorio argentino. La publicación del mapa por parte de Argentina indica que había abandonado su reclamo por las Malvinas.

Throughout history, Amerruk was part of different cultures that contributed and created modern civilisation, from the Sumerians to the Phoenicians through the Romans to the last repressive colonial occupation by France and Spain that shaped its present political orientation both, at National and International levels. So, it is through its own imperial and foreign colonial heritage that Amerruk-French foreign policy is shaped remarkably since the arrival of General de Gaulle to power, thus deserving a more extensive study of this intermediary period from ‘the Protectorate Era’ to full Amerruk Independence in 1955-56, as a prelude to the turbulent period under de Gaulle and the Ben Barka Affair, leading to the stabilisation of relations since the arrival of Pompidou for a new era to emerge. Both regimes, one of a feudal divine sultan who, ‘miraculously’ arrived to power seeking legitimacy, and on the other side, a conceited general in search of legitimacy through his arrogant military discipline to become the new Napoleon of France sounding the trumpet of his own “Grandeur de la France” to offset the affront and warning threat of Russian atomic weapons during the Suez crisis, notwithstanding that France was saved by Native Africans and the Allied countries who defeated Hitler’s Germany. It is on these historical realities that the work provides a glimpse of hope to understanding the intricacy of the makeshift of the French Policy of hollow greatness, far from assuming its entire coverage, but concentrating on some limited areas focusing on a specific region of an African-Amazigh Old Empire, when the Amerruk Imazighen Empires formed the First Modern World Power that started from VIIIth to ending in early XVIIth Century that ever existed, starting under the Almohads and the Almoravids, as part of Tamazgha of North Africa and the Sahel regions, and their authority extended to the Imazighen Guanche of the Canary Islands, reaching South as far as the River Senegal, extending from West to East to Timbuktu in Mali and most of French-Algeria, before the decline that started with the new slave usurpers, cutthroats and caravan pillaging bandits and crooks that started with the head of the Bandits, a certain freed slave of black African origin, Ali Ben Cherif el Marrakchi, who self-proclaimed himself as Emir (of Hemir ⵉⵖⵢⴰⵍ Yghyal [donkeys pl.], [A donkey ⴰⵖⵢⵓⵃ An aghyul sing.]) of Tafilalt when he took power with his outlawed band in 1631. Their final and total capitulation started with Abdelaziz and Hafid, with the help of the corrupt beldiyine and mawali or “muwallads who through clientage or education became honorary Arabs.” There were in fact, 5 categories of power holders and influence; 1- Arab Muslims who could trace their ancestry back to the early days of Islamic rule in al-Andalus; 2- Muslims of Iberian origin; 3- Muslims of Berber origin; 4- through the study and acquisition of Arabic language and Arab culture; 5- a few dhimmīs.  They are, generally, of unknown origin calling themselves ‘Fassi’, and ‘Arabs’ in Amerruk when they are fair/blond of European extraction and the product of the harem European girls. They were highly sought especially since the reign of Ismail who was appointed as the brothel keeper by his royal seal of white slaves sole owner, while their white offspring were also preferred by paedophiles in search of “Ghulam” a delicate fair boy they preferred for sexual practice, as an initiation before facing the Palace’s prostitutes of the slaves of the harem girls under the Royal Seal of Ismail ben Ali ben Cherif el Marrakchi, better known nowadays as the fake ancestral parent of the “Alaoui” dynasty of Amerruk. The Arab complexion is rather of dark-negroid traits but never as of a white ethnic Arab extraction, but a mongrel of all sorts that one encountered at Ismail’s brothel emanating from his clients and the slave girls he kept to produce what is now known as ‘Arabs’ of Amerruk; when simply, there are no “White ethnic Arabs. They are, in fact, no more than those very Luqata (illegitimate creed) born and nurtured since Ali ben Cherif el Marrakchi emerged in 1631; that also include wife swapping, as the notorious popular song of the unfaithful “Rabha el Marbouha, Lahm ha yatbaa fa el mizane wa dam ha fa el Kissane, (roughly, the lucky Rabha, her flesh (meat) is sold by weight and her blood by glass,” as this might also apply to the Amazigh Caid Moha Ou Hammou el-Zayani’s daughter, Thamgharth ⵜⴰⵎⵖⴰⵔⵜ for Lady Rabaha was passed from Hassan I to Abdelaziz and finished in Hafid’s bed.  This was and became the norm since Ali ben Cherif el Marrakchi monopolised the trade of slavery, prostitution and harem girls, an activity that was promoted and prospered under his heirs, in unison with the clans of the  neo-Fassi pimps who still exists today, and together worked hand in gloves to sell out Amerruk to the French in exchange for better conditions to settle in the Amazigh country and make their fortunes, a pittance compared to what they gave away to the French, which they later inherited, and shared with the regime they created. Ever since, the Imazighen fought both colonisers of the French and of those stateless fairies muwallads of no origin calling themselves Arabs and Fassi, because, simply, most of them settled in Fes. They were partially defeated when Imazighen secured Amerruk independence under the leadership of the Imazighen, amongst them, Amghar Abdelkrim el Khattabi, Colonel-Major, ⴰⵎⵖⴰⵔ Amghar, Ssi Bekkai U M’bark Lahbil, Captain Ahardane, Mohamed Bensaïd (U-Said) Aït Idder and many others: civilians and military.

Drawing on an English School approach, this chapter argues that in Central Asia there is less than a liberal would hope for, but more than a realist would think. Instead of being hopelessly marked by competition as a Hobbesian state of nature, or representing an integrated region resting on liberal principles, Central Asia is akin to a society of states, relying on specific norms and institutions and aiming at achieving and maintain coexistence. By adopting a constructivist epistemology and a socio-structural framework of analysis, this chapter maintains that the institutions of sovereignty, diplomacy, international law, authoritarianism, and great power management provide the region with a degree order and stability often neglected by other International Relations (IR) approaches, thus providing a more fine-grained account of Central Asian regional politics.

The transformation of the Eurocentric epistemological base of International Relations, without inadvertently generating a ‘derivative discourse’ of Western International Relations, requires an intellectual flight over rigid boundaries of Western scientism, thereby reorienting the discipline of International Relations itself towards a post-Western epoch. As such, post-Western International Relations theory can be largely viewed as an offspring of scholastic explorations aimed at breaking epistemological imperialism in International Relations. Not surprisingly, the non-Western ‘rising powers’ in global politics are taking particular interest in designing a post-Western International Relations theory. While the notion of ‘Tianxia’ has emerged as a Chinese conceptual response to the budding intellectual curiosity surrounding post-Western International Relations, the Indian scholarly scepticism towards formulating ‘systemic’ theories projects a hazy image of the status of post-Western In...

Streszczenie DEFINICJA POJĘCIA: w części pierwszej rozdziału przywołane zostały najbardziej znane i rozpowszechnione w literaturze przedmiotu definicje pojęcia global governance. począwszy od tej autorstwa j. rosenau i e. otto-czempiela (1992), aż po ujęcia l. Finkelsteina (1995), d. Helda i a.G. McGrew (2002) czy M. zürna (2018). ANALIZA HISTORYCZNA POJĘCIA: w tej części przedstawiono rozwój pojęcia global governance, który od końca XX w. wciąż zyskuje nowe wymiary i nie jest kojarzony wyłącznie ze specyficznym okresem pojawienia się w debacie akademickiej. PROBLEMOWE UJĘCIE POJĘCIA: w tej części wskazane zostały różne rozumienia globalnego zarządzania-od opisu, poprzez heurystykę, aż do teorii global governance. REFLEKSJA SYSTEMATYCZNA Z WNIOSKAMI I REKOMENDACJAMI: ostatnia część zawiera refleksje na temat możliwego przyszłego rozwoju globalnego zarządzania i odwołuje się do dwóch wątków-pozycji suwerennego państwa w systemie międzynarodowym oraz anarchicznej natury tego ostatniego.

Under international law, the territorial integrity of Ukraine must be ensured in accordance with the collectively agreed 1991 borders. Should the Russian Federation collapse, the Wider West and particularly Europe, should manage a stable sphere of military security on the Continent and a better articulation of North America and beyond it. A Russian defeat in Ukraine creates opportunities as well as risks. Trusting that a defeated Kremlin will abandon its imperial designs could be a mistake. In this article, we have drawn out several prospective scenarios to which we assign different degrees of probability.

Democracy has successfuly promoted to international community through the process of Globalization. One of the process could be conducted through information transfer. International media known with its ability to set a certain agenda, while also enhance with the ability to multiply information. VOA Burmese as an international source of news intrinsively involved in spreading the value of democracy in one of the most secretive nation, Myanmar. Through the exposure of uncensored information, VOA Burmese has influenced the people of Myanmar on the issue of democracy and information transparency. Moreover, VOA Burmese has contributed in raising the awareness of democratric movement to the people of Myanmar. In this article, the author aims to describe the role of VOA Burmese in the democratization process of Myanmar, in 2000-2012. Kata kunci: VOA, Globalisasi, Myanmar, Demokrasi

In a world where Immanuel Kant's Democratic Peace Theory is applied, we wouldn't speak of the danger of a criminal act. Therefore we wouln't need a police force. It is like so in an international world order where perpetual peace exists. According to Kant's Democratic Peace Theory, democracies don't fight each other but do fight with non-democracies because otherwise their distinctive political institutions would be harmed and they have a will to externalize their democratic norms. (Simpson) But sometimes it's not the case and democracies do fight with each other as in the proxi-wars between USSR and the US in the Cold War era.

Among the founding figures of the English School of International Relations (ES) and the British Committee (BC), Adam Watson is perhaps the least studied and researched. How, for example, did his past as diplomat informed his Weltanschauung and his understanding of combining theory and practice? How did his academic relationship and friendship with other members of the BC and colleagues shaped his outlook on international politics? What was his political theory and philosophy? And what have his contributions been, not simply to the ES, but to IR writ large? This paper offers an intellectual portrait of Adam Watson and his persona, making use not only of his published written production, but also of so far unexplored archives and materials. Specifically, the paper situates Adam Watson within the ES and the broader IR panorama, taking into account the professional, academic, and human material that the extensive research for this paper has uncovered.

Although numerous studies have examined the Chinese public’s attitudes towards climate change, few have shed light on how sociopolitical factors related to the policy and the state have shaped such attitudes. This constituted our research goal. Against the background of China’s Dual Carbon Goals, a national survey (n = 1469) was conducted to investigate the relationships between climate attitudes and climate benefit perception, institutional trust, policy familiarity, nationalism, and environmental values. Findings showed that respondents shared a high score of nationalism and a high level of trust in Chinese institutions. Their national benefit perception of climate action, nationalism, and trust in national institutions were strong determinants of their attitudes towards climate change. The findings suggested that for many Chinese, a lower-carbon future will be accompanied by a coming stronger nation, which is a key driver for people to adopt positive attitudes towards addressing ...