History of Revolutions

Стаття присвячена аналізу історичних змін у взаємовідношеннях людини та природи на головних етапах цивілізаційного розвитку: аграрному, індустріальному та постіндустріальному (інформаційному). Зокрема, здійснюється критичний аналіз відомих застосувань цивілізаційного підходу в концепціях Збігнева Бжезінського, Даніела Белла, Елвіна Тоффлера, Арнольда Тойнбі та ін.. В статті робиться акцент саме на еволюцію форм сприйняття й розуміння значимості взаємовідношень людини та природи, на формування екологічної свідомості, яка детермінувала певні критерії, якими керувалась людська практична діяльність і як це позначилось на стан природного довкілля.

The Age of Revolutions brought about new possibilities of economic expansion plus political and cultural influence beyond Europe and Mediterranean. This was true not only for adventurers, economic agents, mercenaries and revolutionaries, but even for the monarchies survived to the revolutionary explosions and their entourages. In the 1820ies, while the future of South American republics was still uncertain, the Kingdom of The Two Sicilies considered strategic to establish a Neapolitan plenipotentiary in Washington in order to observe the events taking place in the Southern part of the continent. Francis I of Bourbon selected the count Ferdinando Lucchesi Palli of the princes of Campofranco for this charge. The descendant of a noble Sicilian family, he had previously been the Kingdom of Two Sicilies’ general consul in Washington and had in 1827 been appointed general consul of The Two Sicilies in Brazil.
The analysis of Lucchesi Palli’s diplomatic mission aims at outlining how aristocratic elites supported the Bourbon monarchy’s international projection. As a fervent follower of classical economic theory, Ferdinando Lucchesi Palli committed to vigorously promote free trade between Naples and the other Countries. The interwining of aristocratic elites, royal legitimism and economic liberalism enable us to shed new light upon the topoi of Neapolitan legitimism, otherwise traditionally considered by historiography as a conservative/reactionary political culture. Besides, the investigation undertaken in the paper aims at reflecting upon the American mission as the transnational experience capable of transforming Lucchesi Palli’s liberal perspective: that is, this experience made him aware of both  the limits of free trade between countries of different economic and political size and of the opportunity of readdressing Neapolitan trade policies. By living in the United States, he also noticed the scarce competitiveness of Neapolitan products compared to some other Countries’ products (namely to Canadian grain and to to French oil and wine), the same Neapolitan products he had previously considered very appreciated abroad. Notwithstanding, the plenipotentiary didn’t abjured his faith in free trade. This was probably due to the high influential role of classical economic theory in the 1820’, when it still was by many considered the only economic scientific theory if compared with mercantilism and physiocracy. He rather suggested to Luigi de’ Medici to focus on South American Markets which were virgin by virtue of the more recent South America emancipation.In the 1830’, after Lucchesi Palli retired from diplomacy, he dedicated himself to intellectual speculation in law and economics. The apex of his reflection can be considered the Principi di diritto pubblico marittimo e storia di molti trattati sugli stessi, published in Naples in 1840 and translated in French a year later. The French translator’s aim, as declared in the introduction, was to enrich the French national debate on this issue with fresh research, in order to change the discipline’s sources from the practice based on bilateral treaties to a Universal Chart. The treaty regulates several topics: fishing and navigation; the different kinds of ports (war ports; loading and unloading ports; free ports), the security of ports and shores, flag right, neutrality and trading block.  The analysis of Lucchesi Palli’s contribution to the codification of the Law of the Sea can expand the research about the origins of international law beyond the study of its sources in purely intellectual discourse. If this research approach is utilized, in the analyzed text one can detect the centrality of the American experience in constructing the Neapolitan plenipotentiary’s view on the codification of international law. According to Lucchesi Palli’s view codification should have had the basic aim of balancing British political, economic and military advantage on the rest of European Countries, which he also became aware of in his Washington years.

L’objectif de ces journées est d’étudier la citadinité révolutionnaire, afin de nourrir la réflexion sur une série de notions connexes : habitat / logement / propriété. Chacune de ces notions renvoie à des rapports sociaux structurés par une série d’oppositions (sédentaires et nomades, propriétaires et locataires, résidence recensée et logement clandestin, logés et mal-logés) et à un spectre large de pratiques plus ou moins normées ou alternatives. Intégrer ces différents termes, étudier leurs variations, permettra non seulement de revenir sur les apports de différentes disciplines des sciences sociales, mais aussi d’être attentif aux variations des sources en fonction des contextes révolutionnaires.

12 de julio de 1873: los “voluntarios movilizados” de Cartagena proclaman un cantón republicano autónomo. Mientras izan la bandera roja sobre las fortificaciones y los buques de guerra atracados en la bahía, decenas de ciudades españolas declaran también sus cantones. Los insurgentes pretenden dar a la República, proclamada cinco meses antes, una constitución federal “desde abajo”. Enfrentados al ejército regular, casi todos los cantones se rinden en menos de un mes. El de Cartagena resiste cinco meses más, haciendo también frente a las marinas europeas, preocupadas por la formación de un nido de piratas “comunistas”. Este libro pretende mostrar la importancia del episodio cantonal para la historia global de las revoluciones, del socialismo y de las emancipaciones coloniales. Y lo hace dando voz a categorías marginadas por la historia clásica del trabajo: los campesinos, los trabajadores de los arsenales, los quintos y marineros, y finalmente las mujeres de las clases populares. Redescubrir la historia del Cantón de Cartagena permite desvelar conexiones insospechadas entre el impulso cantonal hacia una república federal y social, y otros imaginarios más globales: el del abolicionismo atlántico, el del internacionalismo obrero y el proyecto, más contradictorio, de una federación de alcance imperial.

State Framing examines how authoritarian regimes manipulate symbols and meanings to attempt to legitimize themselves. Through a content analysis of the 26th of July speeches by Fidel and Raúl Castro and an interpretation of the celebration of this anniversary, the paper demonstrates how non-democratic regimes employ primary frames to justify their rule and spark popular support. Primarily, these frames depict optimism, need for collective sacrifice, distortion of history, fostering of a common enemy, and a state of siege as mechanisms of legitimation. Finally, the paper asserts that these tactics could also be counterproductive as they raise expectations about the future and exacerbate tensions within the ruling elite. Whether one examines democratic or nondemocratic regimes one thing is certain: all governments need to legitimize themselves. As Gramsci and others have stipulated, legitimacy derives not merely from the effective enforcement of the rule of law or the menacing mechani...

E l paper de les dones al si de la Germania de Mallorca (1521-1523) és un aspecte al qual no s'ha dedicat l'atenció que mereix. El que aquí es planteja és apropar-se a les figures femenines que s'hi implicaren amb tanta força com els homes participant de manera activa i destacada en la lluita dels agermanats per tal de fer realitat unes reivindicacions encaminades a la consecució d'una societat millor. Noms, paraules i accions que formen part de les moltes ombres que encara envolten un dels fets més traumàtics de la història de Mallorca, objecte de posicions enfrontades en un debat obert, molt lluny de concloure.

Naples in the 1990s enjoyed an extraordinary period of urban and cultural renewal known as the ‘Neapolitan Renaissance’. This article addresses two novels – Giuseppe Montesano’s Di questa vita menzognera (2003) and Ruggero Cappuccio’s Fuoco su Napoli (2010) – which alert us to the utopianism of the cultural and ‘symbolic politics’ of the Neapolitan Renaissance and its vulnerability to exploitation. Lending credence to the idea that utopian fantasies grow out of the societies to which they are a response, both works envisage post-apocalyptic events leading to the reconstruction of Naples as a theme park, on the part of organized crime. They interrogate the imbrication of the Neapolitan Renaissance with the criminalization of global capital and the populist politics of Berlusconi at the national level. In so doing, they exemplify Ruth Levitas’s distinction between utopia as product and utopia as process, while exploring utopia’s contemporary manifestation as postmodern pastiche or ret...

La mobilitazione legittimista italiana nell’età delle rivoluzioni ha riscosso interesse crescente negli ultimi decenni. Inserendosi in tale cornice, le mie ricerche vorrebbero soffermarsi sugli scritti inediti di Giovanni Battista Vecchione, provando a colmare il vuoto conoscitivo che caratterizza invece lo studio del fronte legittimista italiano durante la Restaurazione. L'indagine intende soffermarsi su due campi d’intervento considerati complementari dal magistrato napoletano al fine di riconquistare il consenso della popolazione meridionale dopo la fine del decennio francese e il reinsediarsi a Napoli della dinastia dei Borbone: la polizia e la religione. L’analisi mira a far emergere le specificità della prospettiva di Vecchione nella mentalità e nel pensiero legittimista, lasciandone in particolare affiorare tre aspetti: 1) il rapporto problematico con l’Antico Regime, del quale vengono favorevolmente accolti gli aspetti a suo avviso compatibili con le esigenze mutate della società della Restaurazione; 2) il rapporto con la tradizione del giurisdizionalismo napoletano, del quale Vecchione dà un’interpretazione originale, anche in questo caso parzialmente orientata dal nuovo contesto storico; 3) il problema del «consenso», esploso con la Grande Rivoluzione e da quel momento trasversale alle forze politiche.

The Napoleonic experience in the circuits of early Bourbon legitimism. Police and ecclesiastical policies in the unpublished writings of Giovanni Battista Vecchione
Italian legitimist mobilisation in the age of revolutions has received increasing interest in recent decades. Within this framework, my research would like to focus on the unpublished writings of Giovanni Battista Vecchione, trying to fill  the lack of studies of the Italian legitimist front during the Restoration. The investigation intends to focus on two fields of action considered complementary by the Neapolitan magistrate in order to regain the consent of the southern population after the end of the French decade and the restoration  of the Bourbon dynasty in Naples: police and religion. The analysis aims to bring out the specificities of Vecchione's perspective in the legitimist mentality and thought, allowing three aspects in particular to emerge: 1) the problematic relationship with the Old Regime, of which the aspects he sees as compatible with the changed needs of Restoration society are favourably received; 2) the relationship with the tradition of Neapolitan jurisdictionalism, of which Vecchione gives an original interpretation,  partially oriented by the new historical context; 3) the problem of 'consensus', which exploded with the Great Revolution and from that moment on was transversal to the political forces.

« Une imparfaite abolition de la peine de mort par la Convention (1795), ou l’impossible nécessité », dans Hervé Leuwers, Virginie Martin et Denis Salas (dir.), « Juger la ‘terreur’. Justice transitionnelle et république de l’an III », Histoire de la Justice, n° 32, 2021, p. 205-217.

Упродовж останніх років термін «чорний лебідь» так упевнено утвердився у нашому лексиконі, що ми й не помічаємо, наскільки часто вживаємо його. Проте у переважній більшості випадків ми ігноруємо його природу й не розуміємо, що випадковість тісно пов’язана з процесом нашого мислення. Когнітивне упередження та надмірна самовпевненість – це неодмінні супутники будь-якого «чорного лебедя». Не варто дивуватися тому, що помиляються експерти та політики – помилки неминучі.  Чинник випадковості має потенційний вплив на природу революції. У статті розглянуто теорії революції та природу випадковості,  акцентовано потребу  врахувати не лише істотні чинники впливу, а й такі, що дають середній та малий ефект.

Το κεφάλαιο εξετάζει τα πλεονεκτήματα της συγκυρίας όπου ξέσπασε η Ελληνική Επανάσταση με έμφαση στο επιχείρημα ότι ήταν η κατάλληλη στιγμή λόγω των αντιπαραθέσεων και της αδυναμίας των Μεγάλων Δυνάμεων να αντιδράσουν μετά τους ναπολεόντειους πολέμους χωρίς να συγκρουστούν μεταξύ τους, εφόσον η Ρωσία ενδιαφερόταν να προωθήσει για τα δικά της συμφέροντα την ελληνική υπόθεση ώς ένα σημείο. Επίσης, η εργασία αναλύει την αντανάκλαση των εξωτερικών συγκρούσεων στις εσωτερικές έριδες των επανασταστών και την ισορρόπηση της Επανάστασης ανάμεσα στον εσωτερικό και εξωτερικό πόλο.

A 5-page consolidated film review on General Antonio Luna and Generalissimo, Tagapangulo ng Republika ng Katagalugan, Macario Sakay detailing the resistance against American Imperialism, the collaboration of Emilio Aguinaldo, and his betrayal of the Katipunan Revolution. Highlight the murder of Luna by Aguinaldo, the way he murdered Andres Bonifacio, Gen. Procopio Bonifacio and Gen.Feliciano Jocson.

This composition attempts to review the historical and revolutionary films “Heneral Luna” (2015) and “Sakay” (1993) which featured two of the most important predicaments of Philippine history entrenched by Filipino revolutionaries who truly touched the desire to liberate the Philippines from the nascent invasion of the American imperialists in our country until we are completely under their rule. It takes us through an evocative and well-detailed account of General Antonio Luna’s stoical journey during the Philippine-American War in an attempt to find our true liberation even as he faced the challenge of crucifixion at the hands of our own compatriots as well as the struggle of General Macario Sakay towards the establishment of the Tagalog Republic only to become one of the last Filipino armed generals to surrender to American imperialism the remaining vestiges of our revolt.

J. B. Owens. Rebelión, monarquía y oligarquía murciana en la época de Carlos V. Murcia: Universidad de Murcia, 1980. My sincere thanks goes to Javier Ezcurdia, world-systems sociology graduate student at the University of Binghamton (New York, USA) for preparing this pdf for me. The companion piece for this book is: J. B. Owens. “Los Regidores y Jurados de Murcia, 1500-1650: Una guía.” Anales de la Universidad de Murcia 38,3 (1981): 95 150. I hope to upload a pdf of this publication soon.

The paper covers the historiographical debate on the evolution of the Jacobin club throughout the feverish events of the French Revolution, notably focusing on the issue of the existence of a structured Robespierrist ideology, debating the thesis of the Israeli historian Jacob L. Talmon on the foundation by Rousseau of a ‘totalitarian democracy’model, opposed to liberal democracy.

This special issue presents East German as well as East European perspectives on the transformation phases after 1945 and 1989 and advocates the long-term analysis of corporations in the socialist planned economies as an independent research field. This includes not only economic questions but also cultural phenomena of everyday life, as well as questions of identity, milieu, confession or tradition. Ultimately, the aim is to extend this perspective to Eastern Europe. Again, the focus is not on the Comecon countries and their corporations alone. The interdependencies and interconnections between the East European and Western markets should also be taken into account.

After the Spaniards seceded us to the American imperialists, the uprisings from different regions of the country didn’t cease for many were still fighting for the independence of our country, believing that one day we can attain the liberty that is rightful to our homeland. Although distinguished individuals betrayed our country for the reasons of economic gain and personal interests, there are prominent heroes who resisted the authority of the new colonizers until their last breath as an expression of their love and loyalty to our beloved country. Even if it’s under the sovereignty of their fellow Filipino who evidently turned their back to the responsibilities as leader of the nation, these noble heroes fiercely opposed the decrees regarding the capitulation to the Americans, showing their strong conviction on their principles and standing on what they are fighting for. These noble heroes included General Antonio Luna, also known as Heneral Artikulo Uno and Macario Sakay who was the President of the Tagalog Republic.