The Gallipoli campaign occupies an important place in modern Turkish history, a position reinforced by the release of new publications and the construction of additional monuments to mark the centenary of the conflict. However, these are comparatively recent developments as, just decades ago, the Gallipoli campaign was not regarded as significant to the foundation of the Turkish Republic nor as a powerful source of national identity. While popular Turkish remembrance and commemoration of the campaign began with the wartime propaganda and myth-making of the period, the Turkish War of Independence proved more significant to the national consciousness, inspiring its own particular myths and legends. Yet, with the passage of time, official military histories, personal war narratives, the construction of the Dardanelles Martyrs' Memorial in the early 1950s and the official campaign of the 1980s to create a more articulated Gallipoli history proved instrumental in establishing Gallipoli as crucial to the foundation narrative. Alongside this, recent political and sociocultural developments have also seen the creation of an alternative Islamic myth (with the controversy that accompanies it) while reinforcing the omnipresence of Gallipoli in Turkish history and national consciousness. The Gallipoli campaign occupies an important place in modern Turkish history. From both the official Turkish and popular perspective, it is regarded not only as a magnificent victory, but also as signifying the birth of the new Turkish nation which emerged from the ruins of the Ottoman Empire. The centenary of the Gallipoli campaign has prompted the publication of large numbers of Turkish language books on various aspects of the campaign – a trend that would have been most unlikely just three decades ago. Indeed Gallipoli has earned its prominent position in Turkish history only after a lengthy and arduous journey, having long remained solely of interest to Turkish military officers and a small group of enthusiasts. Only official military historians and veterans produced books and articles and these were consumed by a relatively small audience. Even the construction of monuments and cemeteries was a protracted and difficult process. In contrast to Britain, Australia and New Zealand, Turkish observance and commemoration of the Gallipoli campaign was observed on a single day – 18 March – and was for many years a local affair, only becoming

Successful to the Ottoman side course of the battle for the Dardanelles and the Gallipoli Peninsula at the end of June induced Enver Pasha to visit the European front. It was a very unpleasant task. The Minister of War was burdened with the responsibility for the disastrous defeat that the army under his command suffered from the Russian hands in the battle of Sarikamish on the Caucasian front in January 1915. Meanwhile here his fellow officer and Young Turk Revolution comrade, until recently just a Lieutenant-Colonel, Mustafa Kemal was growing a national hero. Enver Pasha was not able to conceal his feelings. Furious and petty he was, he used to mention on every occasion that Kemal's success in the battle for the straits was nothing extraordinary, and it did not distinguish him in any way from the other officers. Mustafa Kemal felt insulted.

The Battle of Gallipoli is central to the Turkish republican historical discourse as the final Ottoman win against the Allied Forces, and as the event that introduced the founder of the Republic, Mustafa Kemal, and triggered the War of Independence. Until the 2000s, the historical meaning of the Battle of Gallipoli had been beyond debate; but the Justice and Development Party has shifted the narrative from a victory based on the figure of Mustafa Kemal and his military and political leadership, to an Ottoman victory based on religious faith, thereby eroding the founding myth of the Republic. Having such strong cultural, political and religious connotations, the Gallipoli Campaign and its contemporary commemorations are and will in all likelihood be subject to interventions and alterations of various power groups. This article highlights how the latter has happened in recent Turkish history, which may also serve as a more global example.

The Battle of Gallipoli/Çanakkale or the Dardanelles Campaign as one of the greatest catastrophe of World War I (WWI) and major Axis victory, apart from Turkey, received little attention in the history textbooks of European countries until recently. It was most likely neglected because the Allies emerged victorious of WWI in aggregate terms. The belligerents from many nations in the Battle of Çanakkale, especially from the Balkans, ended up in the camp which they fought against – the victorious Allies. The sacrifice in that battle went missing for taking part and falling for the “wrong side.” In such a vacuum, the suffering, pride and legacy of the battle remained rightly to be exploited by Turkey to the present day. The aftermath impact of the battle was the establishment of new nation states among the Allies fighting mainly under the command of British Commonwealth, then the event was silenced. Its use by Turkey due to the territory in which the battle took place for a national pride and subsequent nationalism, does not imply that the Turks had absolute or exclusive role in waging that war. Looking more closely at the evidence, events, causes, course and consequences of the time, makes it more clear that what is presented as a Turkish sacrifice and victory, was a participation of multinational defenders with German and Austro-Hungarian support. This paper aims at unfolding some crucial aspects of the Battle in Gallipoli which in modern times show a tendency of sharing the contribution by many nations, Albanians in particular, as an inspiration of alliances not for future wars, but as a common heritage for longer term perspective and peace. Keywords: Ottoman Empire, Battle of Gallipoli, Turkey, WWI, Allies, nation states.

The Battle of the Dardanelles (Çanakkale), also known as the Gallipoli Campaign, played a crucial role in the construction and endorsement of national identity, irrespective of the immediate consequences such as the prolongation of the war or the resignation of Winston Churchill upon failure. The Battle of the Dardanelles is commemorated every year in Turkey, Australia and New Zealand, as a day of remembrance. The battlefields at Dardanelles were reinstated as the Gallipoli Peninsula Historical National Park in 1973. The park covers numerous cemeteries of soldiers from both sides, memorials, museums and the battlefields in an area of 33,000 hectares. The park provides a vivid setting and depiction of the war experience, and stands out as the most important battlefield site in Turkey. The aim of this paper is to analyze battlefield tourism in Çanakkale in terms of its components and its impact on domestic and international tourism in Turkey. Battlefield tourism in Çanakkale encompasses not only the battlefield itself, but also the Çanakkale Victory Day in Turkey, March 18th, and the Anzac Day in Australia, April 25th. While domestic tourism contributes to the revival of collective memory and to the building of national identity, international tourism provides representations of national heritage as a source of political legitimacy. Unique to this case, battlefield tourism plays a significant role in the construction of a long-distance tourism network between Australia, and Turkey. The annual flow of descendants of ANZAC (Australian and New Zealand Army Corps) soldiers is an important source of tourism activity in the area.

The role of Armenians in British intelligence has been largely neglected by historians of World War I. My thesis will explore the multifaceted identities of Armenian dragomans, vice-consuls, and intelligence officers in British service through the careers of Thomas Mugerditchian, Thomas Boyajian, and Arshak Safrastian. These Armenian agents inhabited a unique middle-ground between the East and the West as Christians living in an Islamic Empire. They manipulated their identities to navigate both European and Ottoman circles, making them effective as intelligence officers. Before World War I, Armenian dragomans and vice-consuls were important intermediaries between British consulates in the Ottoman Empire and local populations. When the Ottoman Empire joined the war on the side of the Central Powers, Armenian agents remained important to the British Empire as intelligence officers and translators. My thesis will explore the role of Armenian agents in the British war effort and how their service affected their complex identities, both how they perceived themselves and the extent to which different levels of the British government accepted them.

If transcendence involves taking a text away from its situation of utterance, it is the work of mediators on many levels. A case study traces the transcendence accorded to a text in which Mustafa Kemal Atatürk reportedly claims that the bodies of foreign invaders and Turkish patriots are equivalent: “There is no difference between the Johnnies and the Mehmets to us”. The historical authorship of the text has been strongly contested, and analysis of its various translations and interpretations touches on the normal fare of competing interests, strategic omissions, distributed intercultural agency, and inscriptions in that most transcendent of technologies, stone. The historians, on both sides, have nevertheless not considered seriously the role of languages and the vicissitudes of translation. A translation analysis can find some justification for the questioned text. Further, an ethics of cross-cultural communication might legitimize the transcendence of this text as an appeal to historical resolution based on the commonness of human suffering.

Despite the plethora of publications about him, no one has seriously and systematically studied the military Atatürk. Furthermore, no Westerner has researched in the military archives on this topic, or, for that matter, in other archives in Turkey. In addressing this deficiency in Western scholarship, I conducted the bulk of my archival research in the Archives of the Directorate of Military History and Strategic Studies (ATASE), but also worked in the Institute of the History of the Turkish Revolution (TİTE), the Prime Ministry’s Archives of the Republic (BCA), the Atatürk Presidential Archives (CAA), and the Prime Ministry’s Ottoman Archives (BOA). These archives contain mainly hand-written Ottoman documents in the Arabic script, and thus are inaccessible to many researchers on Atatürk who have to rely solely on the Latin alphabet publications.

When the Ottoman Empire entered the war, the potential Middle Eastern theater of operations was regarded as a mere sideshow. Widely viewed as an inferior fighting force, the Ottoman Army was simply tasked with drawing on itself as many enemy forces as possible; thus relieiving Germany on the Western Front, where the decisive battles would eventually take place. Throughout the war, the Ottoman Army, not only drew on itself a considerable British and Russian force, it also helped its allies by sending expeditionary corps to the campaigns in Eastern Europe. The army sustained itself throughout the war and by November 1918, though heavily battered, it was still fighting on.

To Australians and New Zealanders the Gallipoli campaign is so well known as to form part of the cultural makeup of our two nations. We first imbibed the mythology of the Anzac legend with our mother’s milk and it has been reinforced ever since, while we were at school and generally through the media, particularly each year on 25 April, officially known as Anzac Day and a public holiday to boot. It says a lot about the sense of self irony of our two peoples that we so enthusiastically celebrate the defeat of our armed forces in battle. So imbued are our two nations with this mythology and the tales of the glorious deeds of the Anzacs that many Australians and New Zealanders are surprised to learn that other nationalities took part on the allied side in that faraway campaign against the Turks and that the British and French armies suffered many more casualties at Gallipoli than either the Australians or New Zealanders. They are even more surprised to learn that among the British army contingent were Irishmen, who died in greater numbers than New Zealanders, and that Irish regiments actually served alongside Anzac units in some of the most important battles of the campaign, including Lone Pine and Chunuk Bair, names that to this day respectively resonate with Australians and New Zealanders.

"This essay traces and contextualizes manifestations of Turkish nationalism in selected texts describing the Ottoman Empire’s experience of the First World War. Mandatory high school and university history textbooks, widely circulated academic and popular histories, the Turkish General Staff’s campaign histories and other publications, and war memoirs, published in Turkish from the 1930s to the present, constitute my source base. Texts were selected according to their status as “official accounts,” high circulation, and popularity among Turkish readers. Some of these sources originated from key state institutions, such as the Turkish military, the Turkish Ministry of Education, and the Turkish Historical Society (Türk Tarih Kurumu, or THA), and thus represent the “authorized” story of the war. Others were national bestsellers or widely cited works by Turkish intellectuals and scholars, often repeating aspects of the same narrative. Regardless of these texts’ manifold differences, they have all contributed to the creation and perpetuation of a nationalist, exclusivist, Turko-centric narrative of the Ottoman war effort, both at the institutional level and in society at large. The texts’ wide circulation during the past eighty years has substantially affected ordinary Turks’ view of the war and coloured their sense of national identity. This master narrative has attributed the war’s glory and sacrifice mainly to the Ottoman Empire’s Turkish population. Non-Turkish people have been erased from it, making their contributions to the war (whether voluntary or involuntary) invisible. The narrative also speaks of the eventual “treachery” of Arabs and Armenians, the unavoidable fall of the Empire, and the “necessary” emergence of the Republic of Turkey. Only very recently has the ongoing “Kurdish Question” led to a makeshift modification of this narrative: now, apparently, “all the Anatolian peoples,” including the Kurds, made sacrifices—but in practice, the “all” in fact describes the Muslim peoples only. The services rendered by Greek, Armenian, Jewish, and other non-Muslim Ottoman subjects in non-combatant labour battalions (and, on a few occasions, in combat units) remain probably the least acknowledged aspect of the war in Turkish collective memory. Non-Muslim Ottoman subjects are still not considered founding elements of the Republic, and thus have not been granted an official place of commemoration. Nonetheless, changing state policies and official discourse on the Kurdish Question have affected the language used in popular and scholarly writing on the war, and thus on how it is remembered, which has conversely triggered a counter-response by radical Turkish nationalists. One of my goals is to question the historical accuracy of this narrative by reconsidering non-Turkish subjects’ roles in an essentially imperial war effort. I will then address how and why the Turkish master narrative excludes Arabs and Kurds. Finally, I will elaborate on how the politics of war memorialization and the Kurdish Question are linked in contemporary Turkey. I do not aim to glorify the blood spilled in the war by Ottoman subjects from different backgrounds, an (supposedly) eager and widespread effort in defense of the motherland and of religion. This is the discourse adopted by the Turkish state in the past two decades: the memory of Turkey’s “wars of emergence” now emphasizes how different Muslim peoples fought together and thus became “one nation,” thereby avoiding the constitutional recognition of non-Sunni Muslims or non-Turkish ethnocultural identities. Yet modern armed conflicts, regardless of their destructiveness, are not inevitable natural disasters; they result from decision-makers’ choices in their political, social, and economic contexts. In the Ottoman case, many ordinary soldiers and their families did not endorse the war, as high desertion rates and sorrowful folk songs testify."

Çanakkale Muharebeleri’nin 100. Yılında, Bildiğimiz üzere Atatürk ve Çanakkale Savaşlarını Araştırma Merkezi (AÇASAM), 1992 yılında Çanakkale Onsekiz Mart Üniversitesi Rektörlüğü’ne bağlı olarak kurulmuş bir araştırma merkezidir. Merkezimiz Atatürk’ün devlet adamı ve inkılâpçı kişiliği ile önderliğini araştırmak, Çanakkale Muharebeleri’nin önemini ortaya koymak, bu alanda araştırmalar yapmak, belge, bilgi ve fotoğrafları temin etmek, Çanakkale Ruhu’nu milletimize anlatmak gibi gayelerle yola çıkmıştır. Kuruluşundan günümüze kadar AÇASAM, kendine düşen vazifeyi hakkıyla yerine getirmiş, Çanakkale Muharebeleri’ne dair önemli çalışmalara imza atmıştır. Muhtelif kitaplar yayınlarken, Çanakkale Zaferi’ni daha iyi anlatabilmek adına konferans ve kongreler tertip etmiştir. Her şeyden önce 2003 yılından itibaren Çanakkale Araştırmaları Türk Yıllığı adıyla bir ulusal hakemli bir dergi çıkarmıştır. Merkez müdürlüğü vazifesi uhdemize tevdi edildikten sonraki çalışmalarımız merkezin amacına uygun faaliyetler yapmak doğrultusunda olmuştur. Bu amaçla merkezimizin web sayfası yenilenmiştir. Ayrıca merkezin çıkardığı dergi için de bir web sayfası hazırlanarak, tüm geçmiş sayılar taranıp bu sayfaya yüklenmiştir. Böylece dergiye tüm dünyanın ulaşmasının yolu açılmıştır. Bununla birlikte derginin eksik sayılarının altı ayda bir olacak şekilde ikmaline başlanmış, Ekim 2013’te 12. Sayısı (2012 Bahar) çıkarılmıştır. Takip eden aylarda eksik sayılar ard arda çıkarılmaya başlanmış, 2015 yılı başına gelindiğinde de 17. Sayı (2014 Güz) yayımlanarak tüm eksik sayılar (15 ayda 6 sayı) tamamlanmıştır. 2015 yıl Bahar sayısı olan 18. Sayı ise Çanakkale Muharebeleri’nin 100. Yılı münasebeti ile “Özel Sayı” olarak hazırlanmıştır. Toplamda 30 makale olan elinizdeki bu sayı bir yılı aşkın bir sürelik bir çalışmanın sonucudur. Önem verdiğimiz diğer bir husus da, derginin TUBİTAK ULAKBİM sosyal bilgiler veri tabanı tarafından taranmasının temin edilmesi olmuştur. 2014 yılı baharında bu neticeye ulaşılmış, dergi 2012 yılı sayıları itibari ile de taranmaya başlanmıştır. 2013 yılından itibaren ise bir dizi konferans, panel, çalıştay ve sempozyum faaliyetleri yapılmıştır. Faaliyetlerin hazırlık ve icrası sırasında Türk Tarih Kurumu, Çanakkale Valiliği ve Genelkurmay ATASE Daire Başkanlığı ile işbirliğine gidilmiştir. Bu süreçte ayrıca “Çanakkale Komutanları” ve “Osmanlı Arşiv Belgeleri” adlı fotoğraf sergileri açılmıştır. Ayrıca merkezimizin koleksiyonu olan fotoğraflar ve bazı belgeler, devamlı olacak şekilde İktisadi ve İdari Bilimler Fakültesi ve Troia Kültür Merkezi’nde sergilenmeye başlanmıştır. Bu vesile ile çalışmalarımızda desteklerini hiçbir zaman bizden esirgemeyen Çanakkale Onsekiz Mart Üniversitesi Rektörlüğü’ne, Çanakkale Valiliği’ne ve merkezimiz yönetim kurulu üyelerine en içten duygularımızla teşekkür ederiz. Ayrıca bizleri kırmayarak faaliyetlerimize iştirak eden, çalışmalarını bizimle paylaşan tüm dostlarımıza da en kalbi muhabbetlerimizle saygılarımızı sunarız. Çanakkale 2015, 100. Yıl Yrd. Doç. Dr. Lokman Erdemir AÇASAM Müdürü

Australians' encounter with Turks on the shores of Gallipoli has elicited no resentment between the two nations. On the contrary, it paved the way for an exceptional friendship as Australians have been welcomed each time they visit Turkey on the centenary of the Gallipoli landings.

In the context of the commemorations of the Great War, it is worth recalling the Gallipoli or also know as the Dardanelles campaign in 1915 as a turning point on the eastern front of the war and as an event that meant the end and the beginning of events that are Of vital importance today, a century later: The end of the Ottoman Empire as an administrative organ that ruled in the Middle East for almost five centuries and the beginning of imperialist intervention in this region, with its consequent generation of conflicts. As well as a new beginning for hundreds of immigrants from the Ottoman dominions that arrived until Colombian coasts. Gallipoli synthesizes the end and the beginning of a new world in the middle of an impossible battle. At last the year has come, the date many historians, especially those who study war or military affairs, looked forward to rediscover, rethink and rewrite the history of the Great War. 2014 marks the beginning of a series of commemorations, events and publications that will once again bring to the forefront one of the most definitive and defining armed conflicts in the history of humanity on the occasion of its centenary. But in spite of this, one can approach the main bookstores in any city, and see in the canopies and shelves, illustrated books on the Wermacht, on Sherman or Panzers tanks, in better locations-and surely sales-than books that commemorate the hundred years of the Great War.

A series of six podcasts which examines the part played by the Irish during the Gallipoli campaign, looking in particular at the landing on 25 April 1915, the advance to Krithia between April and July, the August offensive, both at Anzac Cove, when Anzacs and Irishmen fought literally shoulder to shoulder, and at Suvla Bay, and finally the evacuation. Episode 1 – Background Episode 2 – The Landing Episode 3 – The Advance to Krithia Episode 4 – The August Offensive (Sari Bair) Episode 5 – The August Offensive (Suvla Bay) Episode 6 – Evacuation and Aftermath

Öz Tarihin o güne kadar gördüğü en kanlı ve kapsamlı çatışmalarını barındı-ran Birinci Dünya Savaşı içerisinde önemli bir yer tutan cephe Çanakkale'dir. İtilaf devletlerince Savaşın kanlı gidişine ve uzamasına son vermek için açılan Çanakkale cephesi, planlandığı gibi gitmemiş, İtilaf kuvvetlerinin önce denizde ve sonra da karada yenilgi almaları üzerine Savaşın uzamasına ve daha kanlı olmasına yol açmıştır. İngiltere ve Fransa politikalarına önemli bir darbe alır-ken, Çarlık Rusya'sı savaşın uzamasına bağlı ağır şartlara dayanamayarak yı-kılmıştır. Çanakkale savaşlarının zaferle sonlanması Merkezi Kuvvetlerin genel bir zafer için ümitlerini güçlendirmişse de Amerika Birleşik Devletleri'nin İtilaf güçleri tarafından savaşa girmesi durumu değiştirmiştir. Çanakkale savaşları, yaşadıkları kayıplara rağmen, Türklerin gururla anacağı, tarihlerine övgü dolu satırlarla kaydedecekleri bir savaş olmuştur. Türkler için büyük bir askerî zafer, vatan bilincine değerli bir katkı, millî devlet olma yolunda önemli bir kazanım ve Mustafa Kemal'in geleceğin Türkiye Cumhuriyetini kuran lideri olmasında etkili olmuştur. Abstract The First World War that was the bloodiest and largest war history had recorded to that date comprised many battles some of which took place in

This book covers the long history of the Gallipoli peninsula and surrounding landscape. It examines the peninsula as a locus of conflict for over three thousand years and positions the 1915 First World War Anzac Campaign within a much greater mythical, historical, political and cultural context.

The magnanimous and heart-rending elegy, attributed to the founder of the Turkish Republic Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, 'Those heroes that shed their blood, and lost their lives ...' is probably the most well-known quotation to commemorate the Gallipoli Campaign. It has been carved on many war memorials, quoted in various commemoration events, and, more than any other, it has ‘spoken’ for the post-war political relationship between Turkey and Australia. This essay uses this 'speech' as a window on to the changing relations among the belligerent countries involved in Gallipoli, and hence the intersection between commemoration, national identity, and international relations.

Presented at the International Conference on 'Documents Of the First World War Centenary' organised by the State Archives of Turkey, Istanbul, Turkey (19-21 March 2015).

Shortly and formally the Battle of Gallipoli, also known as the Dardanelles Campaign, can be described as a failed amphibious operation launched by the Allies in a strategically important region of Turkey in 1915-1916. Yet, this definition does not reflect the importance and the grandeur of the events. It is better to say that it was a major naval operation of the First World War, the biggest seaborne landing operation, the most significant Allies' defeat, and, subsequently, the biggest and the last military victory of the Ottoman Empire. Yet, the significance of the Battle of Gallipoli is not limited to these observations, because indirectly it had reflected on all major events of the Great War happening on the other fronts. And what is quite unique in the history of the mankind, it become a defining moment for three nations - Australia, New Zealand, and the Turkish Republic - where dates connected to the events of the battle have become their national holidays.

Thanks to centenary there is burgeoning interest in understanding the war from "the other side of the hill" but stereotypes, common mistakes and remnants of wartime propaganda continue to obscure the true picture of the Ottoman Army. The critical role played by German General Liman von Sanders during initial landings at Gallipoli has been riddled with myths, legends and wartime propaganda.

Memories of ‘national victories’ and traumatic events are collective phenomena which shapes national identities. National narratives are used by political groups to interpret the past in order to justify their current positions, and yet constructed memories become detached from the past. During the narration of historical events, some elements become stereotyped and selectively distorted according to each political stance. The aim of the study is to assess the trends of perception, narration and the transmission of the Battle of Gallipoli (Gelibolu Muharebesi) in Turkey with an eye to the historical background by focusing on publications for children, especially in children’s literature. This paper claims that analyzing the varieties of narratives of Gallipoli paves the way for understanding the political divergence about national identity and national history.

Ottoman domination of southeastern Europe, often referred to as the Balkans, began in the fourteenth century. Initial Ottoman rule provided relative peace and stability for the region for the next three centuries. This was the pax ottomanica, or the Ottoman Peace. The long Ottoman decline began after the Ottoman defeat outside the city of Vienna in 1683. Throughout the eighteenth century, Ottoman control of southeastern Europe receded. This permitted the intrusion of Enlightenment ideas from Western Europe at the end of the eighteenth century. The concept of nationalism, imported from Western Europe, in particular caused desires for political change throughout the Balkans. Its influence would provide the main basis for conflict in southeastern Europe, lasting throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. At first the self identified nationalities of the Balkans, first the Serbs, then the Greeks, Romanians, Bulgarians, and finally the Albanians all sought to obtain national states, mainly at the expense of Ottoman rule.

The Gallipoli Campaign, which turned out to be a failure for the Allies and a victory for the Ottoman Empire, is a significant part of World War One. The representation of the Gallipoli Campaign in film and its connection to poli-tics and history have thus far not been academically examined from a compara-tive perspective. To fill the literature gap, I conducted a document analysis of four films about the Gallipoli Campaign, focusing on the experience of the Australians and the Turks. I chose two Australian and two Turkish films based on their accessibility and recognition. Two of those films, Gallipoli (1981) and The Water Diviner (2014), are Australian-made and show mostly the Australian experience. The two other films, Çanakkale 1915 (Gallipoli 1915, 2012) and Çanak-kale Yolun Sonu (Gallipoli: End of the Road, 2013) are Turkish-made and emphasi-ze the Turkish experience. All four films highlight the inhuman characteristics of war and the suffering of the soldiers and their families, hence the common pain. Not surprisingly, patriotism and heroism are the emotions that emerge in all the films in question because, for the Australians, the Gallipoli Campaign was part of the national identity-building process, whereas for the Turks it was about the survival of the nation and the defense of the motherland. The four films also have the common point of a somewhat anti-British approach, though the Australian-made films differ from the others by having more anti-war ele-ments. The Water Diviner has a pro-Turkish political perspective whereas Galli-poli 1915 seems to cater to the current political arena in Turkey. A future work could include other films about the subject and make a complementary comparison.

The written version of a presentation I gave to the Royal Australian Artillery Association of Victoria. Covers from why the ANZACs deployed, to the aftermath of the campaign

This dissertation began the day I saw the headline of the Turkish daily Hürriyet on its front page on 21 February 2004: ―SABIHA GÖKÇEN‘S 80-YEAR-OLD SECRET.‖ I was in the Giesel library of the UC San Diego casually surfing the Turkish news while trying to finish a seminar paper. Was Sabiha Gökçen, Atatürk ‘s adopted daughter, the world‘s first combat war pilot, the only heroine of the Turkish Republic, an Armenian? Agos, Turkish-Armenian community‘s weekly newspaper, had reported so, according to Hürriyet. I was captivated. It was as if I had been looking for something in this world, and I had finally found it one rainy afternoon on Hürriyet ‘s internet page. I had never heard about Hrant Dink until I saw Hürriyet that day. I came home and immediately sent emails to a few colleagues inquiring about how I could get in touch with Dink. I got his email on the very same day. I wrote to him and asked if he could send me a few copies of Agos that had the coverage on Gökçen. He never wrote me back. One week later, I found Agos issues folded in a nylon bag in my UCSD mailbox in the Department of Communication. When I touched that package, this dissertation became a ―matter of fate‖, as C.J. Jung mentioned it on writing.

This study aims to identify and analyze ‘national romanticism’ in Turkey’s political culture during the modernization process. Despite the recognition of modernization (temeddün, civilizing) and modernity (the standards of modern civilizations) as self-declared goals and the adoption of modern concepts, geographic, social, and cultural differences modified the meanings associated with terms like modernity and modern concepts, sometimes erasing crucial nuances. Romanticism went under similar modifications in its Turkish instantiation. Hence, Turkish romanticism has not been identical to the Western European experience: instead, a type of Romanticism developed in Turkey which grows more national the more one goes Eastward and significantly changes and transforms, greatly losing its philosophical depth. In various chapters, I intend to demonstrate that these claims are justified. This study focuses on the concept of ‘Romanticism’ and its political bearings in monographic approach. The chief interest here will be the relation between ‘Romanticism’ and the emergence of ‘national identity’ from the mid-19th century to the Cold War Era, even though, as we shall see, these two notions or evolutionary trends cannot be understood without the context of the other great changes of modern times. A consideration of the relationship between Romanticism and national consciousness suggests from the beginning some issues, or problematic themes, that we need to approach first. In general, the subject of this research revolves around how central and critical a role Romanticism plays in Turkish “belated modernity” and its political culture. As is generally accepted, Romanticism and the Romantics try to re-enchant the world which had become mostly disenchanted through the secularization process with the rise of modernity. Romantic weltanschauung in this regard is an intellectual movement which came out of the cultural, philosophical and political channels of the second half of the 18th and early 19th centuries in European thought, mostly in affiliation with Counter-Enlightenment. Therefore, the study starts by a general framework of the theoretical and historical background of European Romanticism(s), and consists of four more main sections. The first is a general discussion, which aims to characterize the nature of Turkish Romanticism. This chapter also highlights and outlines some critical issues of modern Turkish thought. It also discusses how to classify the historical periods and basic problems of Turkish social-political thought in accordance with Romanticism. The dissertation starts with a general discussion on Romanticism in Turkish thought followed by four main chapters that aims to highlight the four fields in which romantic elements were more dominant in national political culture. While I often cross-reference from chapter to chapter, I preferred to rewind to the main framework at the beginning of each chapter. Each chapter thus first examines the historical and philosophical cradle of the subject in question and points to various reflections and manifestations in different countries and later turns back to Turkey to engage in a historically specific discussion on Turkey. This method is part of the effort to make this study comparative and historical. The first chapter tries to trace Romanticism in Turkish thought and lists the main avenues and characteristics of romanticism in literature, social thought and politics. The chapter tries to answer the question “Can we speak of a Turkish romanticism?” This is probably the most critical and problem based part of the study – hence the section most vulnerable to criticism. To see how a spiritualist discourse keeps reproducing ‘the idea of the nation,’ one must see which references are selected by social consciousness. The second chapter picks up from this question and uses the concept Volksgeist in its title so as to suggest the place of this concept in the narratives of national spirit in literature and history, political discourse and cultural studies. The third chapter focuses on the province as it becomes the object of Romanticism – the search for the sine-i millet (the heart of the nation), the nondrying spring of romantic nationalism, by way of folklore, populism, and villageism. The fourth chapter critically investigates the place of concepts homeland and state, the essential fetish objects of “national romanticism” besides the nation. In doing so, the chapter focuses on the interrelations between Romanticism and the myths of state and homeland. The discussion shows how and why the Romantic perspective makes the state a ‘sublime’ and ‘esteemed’ entity and perceives the homeland to be a ‘holy’ place or a ‘piece of paradise.’ Chapter Five attempts to understand and interpret the questions of romantic historiography and historical romanticism. Here, I argue that literary romantics and romantic historians often supported one another, consciously or unconsciously, and created legends or epic conceptions of history that can rapidly slide into chauvinism. The conclusion includes an extensive repetition and summary of the four main chapters and adds some points on the place of Romanticism in Turkish political culture.

Birinci Dünya Savaşı'nın 100'üncü Yıldönümü münasebetiyle Harp Akademileri Stratejik Araştırmalar Enstitüsü tarafından 20-21 Kasım 2014 tarihlerinde yapılan uluslar arası sempozyumda sunulan bildirileri (27 adet) içermektedir.

Editor (with Spencer Tucker), author of 33 short articles, sole compiler/editor, Vol. 5 (Documents Volume). Named Booklist, Editors’ Choice: Reference Sources, 2014. The version here is two files: Vols. 1-2, and Vols. 3-5. Offering exhaustive coverage, detailed analyses, and the latest historical interpretations of events, this expansive, five-volume encyclopedia is the most comprehensive and detailed reference source on the First World War available today. • Provides comprehensive coverage of the causes of the war that allows readers to fully understand the complex origins of such a monumental conflict • Supplies detailed analyses and explanations of the events before, during, and after World War I, such as how the results of the war set the stage for the global Great Depression of the 1930s, as well as detailed biographical data on key military and civilian individuals during World War I • Includes a chronologically organized document volume that enables students to examine the sources of historical information firsthand • Covers all key battles, land and sea, and their impacts, as well as the critical technological developments that affected the war's outcomes

With its overwhelmingly monistic viewpoint, ecocriticism, like the natural sciences it benefits from or shares with, adheres to a priori phenomena, marginalising, for the most part, the supernatural. Yet this study which does not conceptualise the natural and supernatural in contradictory terms postulates that – though rejected by science because it lacks the “regularities of nature” – the supra-physical correlates with natural or physical phenomena and therefore can be considered within the scope of ecocriticism, referring as proof to “the battalion that vanished” at Gallipoli, Turkey, reportedly on 12/21/25/28 August 1915. That day, during one of the bloodiest battles of the Dardanelles Campaign, a British troop marches into an unusually low-slung cloud and disappears forever. Eyewitnesses interpret and document what they saw as divine intervention, and in time, albeit on the periphery of World War I, the nebulous event turns into a myth inseparable from the literary ecology, as well as the collective (environmental) memory, of both the Turkish and Allied sides. This study is intended to ruminate on the mentioned hard-to-comprehend event as a myth once and still being verbalised and written about by the many, adopting a dualistic approach like “Clouds do not swallow men, the case of „the battalion that vanished‟ excepted.” While not downplaying the materiality of the happening – by touching upon such meteorological issues as the atmospheric conditions conducive to the formation of clouds and the features of different types of clouds alongside the topography of the battlefield – the study, using as its base the Gallipoli soldiers‟ accounts and derivative narratives, highlights the metaphysical dimension of the ecologically mysterious event, calling attention to the likelihood that the natural and the supernatural may segue into and complement each other and the Divine may manifest Himself through material nature, a course conceivable to call “pantheistic ecocriticism.”

Sempozyum bildiri kitabı aşağıdaki linkten indirilebilir: The full papers can be downloaded from the following link: http://www.harpak.edu.tr/saren/default.asp?sayfa=10