Aurelian

Nasza wiedza o zniszczeniu Biblioteki Aleksandryjskiej jest niepełna. Bardzo często jej koniec przypisuje się na panowanie Aureliana i toczone wtedy walki w Egipcie. Rzeczywiście w późnym antyku nastąpiło przesunięcie centrum Aleksandrii ze wschodnich nadmorskich dzielnic na zachód. Niemniej świadectwo Ammianusa Marcellinusa, na którym opiera się ta hipoteza, jest dosyć wątpliwe, znajomość topografii i historii Aleksandrii u tego autora pozostawia wiele do życzenia. Nie sposób jednoznacznie wskazać, podczas których wewnętrznych walk w III-IV wieku uległa zniszczeniu Biblioteka Aleksandryjska oraz czy było to efektem działań człowieka, czy żywiołów.

This is a narrative military history of the emperors Lucius Domitius Aurelianus ('Aurelian', reigned 270-275) and Marcus Aurelius Probus (276-282) which also includes the other reigns between the years 268 and 285. It shows how these two remarkable emperors were chiefly responsible for the Empire surviving and emerging largely intact from a period of intense crisis. It was Aurelian who first united the breakaway regions, including Zenobia's Palmyra, and it was Probus who then secured his achievements. The reigns of Aurelian and Probus have been subjected to many studies, but none of these have approached the extant material purely from the point of view of military analysis. Most importantly, the previous historians have not exploited the analytical opportunities provided by the military treatises that describe the strategy and tactics of the period Roman army. It is thanks to this new methodology that Ilkka Syvänne has been able to reconstruct the military campaigns of these two soldier emperors and their other contemporaries in far greater detail than has been possible before.

DE LA CRISIS A LA RESTAURACIÓN DEL ORDEN: EMPERADORES ILIRIOS, LA TETRARQUÍA Y CONSTANTINO (268-324). Conferencia dentro del congreso "Edicto de Milán: 1700 años de libertad religiosa para los cristianos (313-2013). Universidad Católica San Antonio (Murcia).

The Epitome de Caesaribus is a short, summarizing Latin historical work known as a breviarium or epitomé. This brief summary was written in the late 4th or early 5th century and summarizes the history of the Roman Empire from the time of Augustus to the time of Theodosius the Great in 48 chapters. Between chapters 32 and 35 the Epitome tells the story of the Empire under Gallienus, Claudius Gothicus, Quintillus and Aurelian. This was the most anarchic time of the soldier emperor era; the imperatores had to face not only the German and Sassanid attacks, but also the economic crisis, the plague and the counter-emperors, as well. The Scriptores Historiae Augustae calls these counter-emperors the “thirty tyrants” and lists 32 usurpers, although there are some fictive imperatores in that list too. The Epitome knows only 9 tyrants, mostly the Gallic and Western usurpers. The goal of my paper is to analyze the Epitome’s chapters about Gallienus’, Claudius Gothicus’ and Aurelian’s counter-emperors with the help of the ancient sources and modern works.

The article is focused on the 2nd to 4th century milestones recorded
by archaeological excavations at Capidava and within a range not exceeding 15 miles, as the crow flies. Our inquiry pinpointed several finds from Dorobanțu, Seimenii Mari, Capidava and the nearby Topalu (10 pillars), set up on the occasion of the road construction works under emperors Hadrian (?), Antoninus Pius and Septimius Severus, Aurelian, by the Tetrachs and, finally, during Constantine.

One should highlight the find cluster of Aurelian’s milliaria in the area Topalu – Capidava (3 out of 10 referred supra, comparable in Moesia Inferior only to the situation from around Sexaginta Prista). Considering that unusual clustering, as well as all archaeological pieces of evidence we have for now on the begining of the general reconstruction of the castellum at Capidava under Aurelian and Probus, at the end of the bellum Scythicum, one might rightly infer a local major event.

To such an interpretation, a well-known building inscription (Bauinschrift, CIL III 12456 = ISM IV 88) from Durostorum honored Aurelian for bringing the city back to its former splendour (in pristinam splendorem restituta). The inscription was equally and prominently set into one wall to the memory of the war against the Carpi, somewhere inter Carsium et Sucidavam. But what if Capidava and the area around it had actually to do with those fierce battles?

Paper on the work of Sir Ronald Syme with regards to the Historia Augusta (HA), with particular attention to bogus or alias names and authorship of the HA. Also, a comparison between his work and that of Abelard Reuchlin and myself, as well as that of other I.C. members. An important paper.

Paper demonstrating the descent of Ulpia Severina, Emperor Aurelian's wife, from Arrius Calpurnius Piso, who was the common ancestor of all Roman Emperors post Hadrian. Arrius C. Piso, being the main creator of the Christian religion, and its first bishop of Rome, "St. Peter".

Late Roman Monetary Reforms in the Light of Coin Hoards Buried in Gaul (ca. 274-ca. 310)

The composition of coin hoards buried in Gaul during the last quarter of the 3rd and the beginning of the 4th century comprises a source of the utmost importance for examining the effects of the monetary reforms of Aurelian and Diocletian on the circulation of money and the eventual reactions of the public on the introduction of new types or of manipulations of the face values. In an economy marked by the regionalisation of the supply and of the monetary circulation, the state tried to impose its nominalistic vision of the currency, whereas the hoarders seemed more attentive towards the exchange rate of the billon coins in relation to gold on the free market than their intrinsic value.

The portrayal of Zenobia of Palmyra in the Historia Augusta
must be regarded with suspicion as a faithful representation
of historical events. When considered as a narrative, however, this
episode becomes a discourse on the correlation of power, gender,
and ethnicity. In a new reading of the Life of Aurelian (HA 22–34),
I argue that the construction of the episode’s plot as well as devices
such as variable focalization and dramatic irony call attention to the
nexus of power, gender, and cultural identity, and ultimately destabilize
the assumption that power is Roman and masculine.

In AD 274/275 the imperial mint of Serdica issued a highly unusual series of aureliani with a 'deo et domino' legend, assigning to the roman emperor Aurelian (AD 270–275) the title “god and master”. The coins are well known to scholars of Roman antiquity, but the series has never been properly analyzed. This paper provides the first comprehensive and systematic investigation of the coins: A detailed technical examination (production scheme, die analysis etc.) lays the basis for a historical (re)appraisal. The paper shows that (a) the quantities of coins minted were significantly higher than expected, (b) the coins imitate characteristic features of Roman provincial coinage, and (c) they were produced for a ceremonial occasion of public largesse in the presence of the Emperor. These insights have broader implications for our understanding of the increasing tendency towards deification of the Roman emperors.

[If you want to read the paper, please feel free to contact the author]

"Kontinuität und Wandel des Senatorenstandes im Zeitalter der Soldatenkaiser" observes the composition, function and general importance of the ordo senatorius during 235-284 C.E. when the Roman Empire was affected by a series of radical changes. The study is grounded on a prosopographical analysis, presenting a reconstruction of senatorial cursus honorum based on the currently known source material. Although the most important functions within the Roman army were gradually filled by members of the ordo equester instead of viri clarissimi and the senatorial order thereby suffered a loss of importance during the 3rd century, it remained of utmost significance for the stability of the Imperium Romanum in times of crisis.

A broad overview and summary of the late-second, through third-century Roman Empire, with emphasis on the reign of Aurelian. This paper seeks to analyze the overall impact of Aurelian's reign, from the social, economic, and military actions to his religious reforms. The central thesis of this paper finds asummary in the following: The reign of Aurelian was a crucial aspect in the empire's survival into the fourth century, where, without Aurelian's numerous reforms and victories, the later reforms under Diocletian would not have been possible.  Written as a fulfillment for the requirements of the Bachelor of the Arts in history program at Hanover College as a senior thesis project.

Our knowledge about the destruction of the Library of Alexandria is
incomplete. It often gets attributed to the reign of Aurelian and conflicts
that took place in Egypt at the time. It is a fact that the centre
of Alexandria had been moved west from its eastern seaside districts.
However, the testimony of Ammianus Marcellinus – on which the entire current hypothesis is based - seem to be rather questionable as
this author’s knowledge about topography and history of Alexandria
leaves much to be desired. There is no way to specify during exactly
which of the internal struggles in the 3rd and 4th century was the Library
of Alexandria destroyed, and whether the forces behind it were
of human or natural origin

La place des pratiques de prédations dans l'empire romain est analysée dans le cadre d'un long troisième siècle. La situation est d'abord celle d'un arrière fond de pratiques de prédations continues, à basse intensité et opportunistes, elle semble avant tout tournée vers les personnes, même si l'impact sur les biens peut être questionné, il est aussi plus difficile à évaluer. L'empire fait face à des difficultés croissantes à partir du second tiers du IIIe siècle, la prédation exercé à l'encontre des provinces par ses voisins barbares devient un enjeu pour le pouvoir impérial. L'empire ne cessa pas toutefois d'être offensif et lui-même prédateur. Le butin apparaît alors comme un enjeu croissant dans les rapports entre pouvoir impérial, provinciaux et armées. la prédation prend aussi une importance forte dans l'historiographie ancienne et peut servir à y distinguer l'usurpateur du bon empereur.
Dans
R. Keller et L. Sarti éd., Pillages, tributs, captifs, Paris, éditions de la Sorbonne, 2018, p. 27-51.

The presence of aegis is one of the typical phenomena of the imperial third century coins and medallions. This was not the first time the emperors are depicted with the aegis. . What is certain, however, is that from the Antonine era onward it became ever more common for the coins and medallions to depict the aegis gorgoneion so that by the time of Probus's reign his coins are filled with these. The following is an attempt to reconstruct the likely shape and construction of the third century aegis with its main variants. It is based on the kind comments and suggestions given especially by Jean-Marc Doyen, Briac Michaux, Adam Kubik and Patryk Skupniewicz, and also on the comments of others (e.g.Kaveh Farrokh) who kindly commented my draft paper on a coin of Gordian III. In short, I cannot claim any credit or originality in the making this reconstruction, but I still hope that it is useful for sparking further discussion and analyses of the period coins and medallions – a source which is certainly underused. It goes without saying that if there are still some mistakes left (or new ones) that they are not to be blamed for any of these. Those are the sole responsibility of this author. Please feel free to comment and correct! The aim is to reconstruct the pieces of period equipment as accurately as possible for the studies in question and possibly also to write a separate paper on the same topic.

Η ενοθεϊστική ηλιολατρία κατέχει κεντρική θέση στην αρχαία ρωμαϊκή θρησκεία κατά τον 3ο και τον 4ο αι. μ.Χ. Το απώγειό της αποτελεί η βασιλεία του Αυρηλιανού (270-275), όταν η ηλιολατρία υποκαθίσταται στην θέση της κρατικής ρωμαϊκής θρησκείας. Τότε ο θεός Ήλιος (Deus Sol) γίνεται ο κύριος θεός του ρωμαϊκού πανθέου, ούτως ώστε όλοι οι υπήκοοι του κράτους να εστιάζουν την πίστη και την λατρεία τους σε αυτόν. Πέραν της επιθυμίας για ιδεολογική και θρησκευτική συνοχή, η λατρεία ενός θεού ενισχύει και την πίστη σε έναν μόνον αυτοκράτορα, επίγειο σύντροφο του θεού Ηλίου, και η υποστήριξη σφετεριστών εξομοιώνεται με πράξη αποστασίας. Τέλος, αυτός ο καινοφανής θρησκευτικός συγκεντρωτισμός ερμηνεύεται και ως μία απόπειρα αλλαγής της νομιμοποιήσεως της αυτοκρατορικής εξουσίας κατά τα ταραγμένα χρόνια της στρατιωτικής αναρχίας του 3ου αι.: ο αυτοκράτωρ δεν εκλέγεται πλέον από την Σύγκλητο, αλλά φαίνεται να επιλέγεται και επιβάλλεται από τον προστάτη του θεό.

Revisita-se a inscrição IRCP 4, com o objetivo de se enquadrar esta homenagem a Aureliano no âmbito da política geral e local na 2ª metade do século III.
O propósito de se exprimir, desta forma, fidelidade ao poder central, a fim de também se obterem benesses no âmbito económico, parece ter sido, de facto, a intenção primordial dos magistrados ossonobenses.
..................
The inscription IRCP 4, solemn dedication to the emperor Aurelianus, is, in fact, an evident demonstration of the local fidelity to the Roman central government. It reveals – no doubt – the common symbiosis religion/politic, but, here, in this strategic maritime civitas, the economic raisons are also, certainly, most important.
Key-words: Ossonoba, Lusitania, Aurelianus, imperial cult.

Nasza wiedza o zniszczeniu Biblioteki Aleksandryjskiej jest niepełna. Bardzo często jej koniec przypisuje się na panowanie Aureliana i toczone wtedy walki w Egipcie. Rzeczywiście w późnym antyku nastąpiło przesunięcie centrum Aleksandrii ze wschodnich nadmorskich dzielnic na zachód. Niemniej świadectwo Ammianusa Marcellinusa, na którym opiera się ta hipoteza, jest dosyć wątpliwe, znajomość topografii i historii Aleksandrii u tego autora pozostawia wiele do życzenia. Nie sposób jednoznacznie wskazać, podczas których wewnętrznych walk w III-IV wieku uległa zniszczeniu Biblioteka Aleksandryjska oraz czy było to efektem działań człowieka, czy żywiołów.

Nasza wiedza o zniszczeniu Biblioteki Aleksandryjskiej jest niepełna. Bardzo często jej koniec przypisuje się na panowanie Aureliana i toczone wtedy walki w Egipcie. Rzeczywiście w późnym antyku nastąpiło przesunięcie centrum Aleksandrii ze wschodnich nadmorskich dzielnic na zachód. Niemniej świadectwo Ammianusa Marcellinusa, na którym opiera się ta hipoteza, jest dosyć wątpliwe, znajomość topografii i historii Aleksandrii u tego autora pozostawia wiele do życzenia. Nie sposób jednoznacznie wskazać, podczas których wewnętrznych walk w III-IV wieku uległa zniszczeniu Biblioteka Aleksandryjska oraz czy było to efektem działań człowieka, czy żywiołów.

Society for Late Antiquity panel at the Society for Classical Studies – Archaeological Institute of America Annual Joint Conference, San Diego, California, January 2019.

Abstract:
Previous studies on what is often called ‘the third-century crisis’ (235-284 CE) have primarily focused on the role of the military in legitimating imperial authority, which has led many scholars, such as A.H.M. Jones, to identify the period as a “military anarchy” (Jones, 23). Hence, emperors beginning with Maximinus Thrax, the first emperor after the end of the Severan dynasty, are read through the lens of civil war and military upheaval. Cursory readings of the literary evidence would seem to support this interpretation. This focus on the military has also led scholars to claim that traditional religion was in a period of decline, reacting to the political and military upheaval of the post-Severan decades. Scholars, such as Gradel and de Blois, for instance, argue that the imperial cult received its death blow when Maximinus Thrax looted temples to pay his soldiers (Herodian 7.3.5-6; Gradel, 363; de Blois).  Based on a wide range of textual, numismatic, and epigraphic evidence, I argue, on the contrary, that in this period of upheaval, the imperial cult and the associated rituals not only continued but provided critical tools for emperors and generals to reassert their authority.  Not only did imperial cult provide imperial contenders a new source of divine power, but it also allowed local elites and residents of cities an increasingly important role in legitimating or rejecting individual claims to imperial power. 

In this paper, I focus on the ritual of adventus.  Through a close reading of the history of Herodian, I show that from cheering crowds in the time of Commodus (Herodian 1.7.1-3, 6) to the hurling of insults in 193 CE (2.6.13) and finally to the myriad ways claimants to the throne were received, or not, in 238, the careful integration of adventus with accession and imperial power functions as an effective and subtle trope that reveals contemporary perspectives on the changes taking place in the third century and the ways in which local residents could respond to the political turmoil of the time.  So, for instance, the residents of the city of Aquileia used the religious rituals connected with the accession and arrival of an emperor (i.e. adventus) in novel ways to provide the ideological means to effectively challenge Maximinus as emperor and to accept those announced by the Senate. Through these rituals, cities were able to accept, reject, or sometimes limit imperial authority.

As the emperor’s relationship to the divine evolved over the course of the century, he grew increasingly distant from the residents of the empire, a phenomenon that has been observed but not thoroughly explored in previous scholarship. These changes function as part of the transition that would emerge by the end of the century and would define the tetrarchy and Constantinian imperial praxis and political philosophy. The shifting relationship between the emperor and the cities can also be clearly seen in the early fourth century. Constantine, as Lenski has noted, had to adopt different messages in his discourse with the cities, a necessity that developed in the third century out of these changes to imperial cult and the dialog between cities and emperor.  The religious and political philosophies connected with emperor worship in the third century thus provided the background for Christian notions of imperial authority and power.

Cet article a pour objectif de présenter la vision de l'empereur idéal pour le IIIe siècle à partir d'une analyse comparative des biographies des empereurs Gallien, Claude le gothique et Aurélien dans les Caesares d'Aurelius Victor.

This article aims to present the vision of the ideal emperor for the third century based on a comparative analysis of the biographies of the emperors Gallienus, Claudius gothicus and Aurelian in the Caesares of Aurelius Victor.