Alexander the Great

Resumo: Diodoro Sículo foi um autor natural da cidade de Agírio, na Sicília, e viveu, aproximadamente, entre os anos 90 e 30 a.C. Escreveu uma obra cujo nome é Biblioteca Histórica. Apesar de se propor a escrever uma obra de cunho moralizante e que abarcasse uma grande linha temporal e espacial, o autor deu especial atenção aos eventos da Sicília. No livro XI são narrados os eventos de Ducécio, um líder sículo (povo nativo da Sicília), e de seu movimento, ocorrido entre os anos 461 e 440 a.C. O presente estudo tem como objetivo una análise do uso, por parte de Diodoro, dos elementos moralizantes, em especial a Týchē (Fortuna), dentro da figura de Ducécio e de suas ações. Ele acaba por ser inserido, assim como outros personagens importantes historicamente para Diodoro, dentro da narrativa moralizante. Diodoro insere suas visões acerca do abuso da Týchē e de como isso poderia afetar a comunidade, pondo mais de um elemento moralizante, a fim de educar o leitor de seu tempo.

Comment pourrions-nous vivre ici, quitter notre pays, nos lois et les hommes pour qui nous avons entrepris, volontairement, un aussi long voyage dans l'intention de mourir pour eux ? Ici sur la frontière entre l'acquis et l'exil, au seuil d'une extranéité permanente, les paroles de deux Spartiates nous renvoient au conflit de toute frontière.

Статья посвящена убийству Гая Меммия в 100 г. до н.э. Обычно считается, что его организовали Л. Апулей Сатурнин и Г. Сервилий Главция. Некоторые ученые предполагают, что оно произошло случайно во время неожиданно начавшихся беспорядков, поскольку Сатурнин и Главция не были заинтересованы в гибели Меммия. В статье доказывается, что больше всего от этого выигрывал принцепс сената Марк Эмилий Скавр-непримиримый враг Меммия и Сатурнина, который, возможно, и организовал убийство. Тем самым он не только устранял Меммия, но и провоцировал репрессии против Сатурнина и его сторонников, которые были обвинены в убийстве Меммия и уничтожены.

Fortification and Qanat structures in the area of Acropolis of Thessaloniki

In 2009-2012, under the supervision of the 9th Ephorate of Byzantine Antiquities, archaeologists excavated a plot in close proximity to the western walls of the Acropolis. The earliest phase represented by the few building remains dates back to the Roman imperial times. In the northwestern part of the plot there was revealed part of water concentration system consisting of three wells carved into the local stone. The wells were linked together by a duct (qanat). A road section coated with schist dates back to 4th-6th century A. D. The road is later abandoned and the area was used as a graveyard for the Christians of Thessaloniki, as shown by the eleven Christian graves that were opened in the former roadway. In the same chronological period fall three built water pipes discovered during the excavation. At the eastern boundary of the plot there was revealed part of the smaller external wall which went along with the main walls of the Acropolis. The discovery of the external wall certifies its existence in front of the main wall, in this certain area of the city. The important findings show the daily struggle of the people in order to survive and create in safety and their position in the social stratification, represented by the simplicity of their burial structures.

I explore how the different Alexanders have been created in the modern
academic field and what we can learn from it. The focus of this paper is on how scholars produce their narratives by using the ancient source material. As my primary material for this study, I have chosen two famous critical scholarly biographies: Hammond’s Alexander the Great: King, Commander and Statesman and Bosworth’s Conquest and Empire: The Reign of Alexander the Great. We can see how the two views; benign and
cynical views are constructed in scholarly narratives. The narratives on Alexander’s action are promoting certain moralistic views of imperialism and war.

La escena cumbre de la batalla de Gaugamela en los dos únicos films que la relatan, el de Rossen y el de Stone, muestra a un Alejandro en cabalgadura y arrojando una peligrosa jabalina contra el rey Darío. Hemos comprobado como esta imagen se reproduce, o no, en el mosaico de Issos. Efectivamente, Alejandro no lanza la jabalina sino arrambla al enemigo lanza en ristre. En los textos de Arriano, Plutarco, Curcio y la novelesca obra de Pseudo Calistenes tampoco se encuentra referido el acto singular del rey macedonio. Es, así lo parece, una aportación propia de los films a la tradición textual y plásticas del legendario rey.

This volume of "View Finders" takes the opportunity to display and compare a selection of Grand Canyon postcards that are in the public domain, as a historical, artistic, and cultural survey. While postcards are an obvious genre of “photographs” ideally suited for View Finders, a systematic accounting of them is avoided simply because there are thousands produced by numerous commercial and specialty publishers, as well as small-run knock-offs by businesses and entrepre­neurs. Even the very large collections held by academic institutions each is quite different in content. There has until now been no such compilation for postcards of the Grand Canyon and nearby locales. In no sense is this an all-inclusive study of these regional postcards; it is not—cannot be—an inventory of canyon area postcards. There are many more that the author has seen, too, but has no copy to reproduce; beyond that, there are unquestionably hundreds of which he is unaware.

Illustrated herein are 359 postcards and 14 excerpts from postcard strips and miniature photo sets. The separate Table of Contents for the 219 plates of illustrations delineates the geographic and topical arrangement of these products in this volume. A few postcards show scenes near the Grand Canyon, which locations are included for their historical perspective as well as for their parts in regional history and tourist interest—the Kaibab Plateau, House Rock Valley, and the Navajo Bridge on the east, and the Grand Canyon portion of Lake Mead far to the west.

This compilation is meant to be an interesting historical perspective of the early years of Grand Canyon travel. It serves also as a documentary effort that confirms the breadth of commercial interest in advertising the canyon and those who provided transportation to it or amenities once there. It takes opportunities to study special differences between cards, some of which reflect variations of production methods. A few highlight cultural and social stigmas, such as the posing of Native Americans with indifferently incorrect explanatory notes, or the case where artistically added women on one hotel lobby photo are all replaced by men in another version. These all are works of their times.

For each postcard in this volume, its explanatory text (if any, usually on the card’s back) is transcribed. The reader may notice that many legends were copied or re-edited for use on other cards; sometimes they do not even have any reference to the image on the front of the card. In some cases the legends may even confuse the reader into thinking that they do describe the photo. Other legends include quotations from different sources, which although they are not usually credited an attempt has been made herein to identify those sources. Legends can be literarily effusive, and it is occasionally probable that some elemental phrases used in legends have been borrowed, whether it be from a producer’s own travel literature or from the writings of a well-known writer. Dates of copyright are given when indicated, although most cards lack dates; and when a card has been mailed the year is noted to help indicate at least when it was available. A separate section of this volume, “Postcard Messages From This Collection,” is devoted to those cards that had been mailed and on which messages had been written by the card’s sender.

After a long hiatus following the collapse of the palatial civilizations of the Bronze Age, wall and panel painting was reintroduced to Greece during the Early Iron Age. The first archaeological finds date from the advanced 7th century BCE and include mural fragments and clay plaques used to decorate temples. Early examples (down to the early 5thcentury BCE) are polychrome, with strong outlines and flatly painted surfaces without any sense of volume or depth of field. Their themes are oft en taken from myth, contemporary warfare, and religious rituals; inscriptions are customarily used to name the figures or scenes depicted.

A series of breakthroughs occurred in the 5th century BCE. Composition became more sophisticated, an innovation attributed to Polygnotus of Thasos; shading and tonal contouring were introduced toward the end of the century, allegedly invented by Apollodorus of Athens. Painters oft en acquired high social status, as we may infer from stories about Zeuxis of Heraclea or Parrhasius of Ephesus. According to later authorities, the 4th century BCE saw the greatest achievements of Greek painting and some works from this era, mostly from burial monuments, survive. A series of tombs from Macedonian sites (chiefly those at Vergina, Lefkadia, and Thessaloniki) illustrate significant advancements in the balancing of light and shade and the rendering of three-dimensional space, even with respect to elements of landscape. Many of these inventions were attributed to Apelles of Cos, who acquired fame and wealth working for Alexander of Macedon. Painting was practiced widely in the Hellenistic world, and aspects of Greek iconography and style were later introduced to Roman Italy.

Plantzos, Dimitris. “painting, Greek.” In Oxford Classical Dictionary. Oxford University Press, 2015—. Article published December 22, 2015; last modified, October 18, 2023. doi: https://doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780199381135.013.4654

El presente estudio intentará explicar que los lugares de memoria
del culto de Alejandro Magno en Alejandría de Egipto, entre el 323 y el 215 a.C. habrían sido una de las estrategias de la dinastía Ptolemaica para reforzar y lograr la legitimidad frente a los desafíos que se presentaron a la nueva dinastía en este ámbito, a saber, las distintas tradiciones políticas de los colonos griegos (democracia-oligarquía) opuestas a la basileia macedonia; ausencia de una nobleza y un ejército “nacional” como soporte de la lealtad en la elección del rey; heterogeneidad cultural por la procedencia de los colonos de distintas partes del Egeo. Para demostrar esto, se analizarán fuentes que describieron o mencionaron lugares públicos, edificios y estatuas como una construcción desde el poder para lograr identificación con los gobernados.

José Román de la Torre Peralta is a thrice extravagant author in the corpus of seventeenth century Spanish poetry. Chronologically, he flourished in the second half of the century, which today we associate with the decline of the empire and of Golden Age poetry; geographically, he operated in his native Andalusia and sought a place among the Sevillian poets of the time; poetically, he suffered the supremacy of Fernando de la Torre Farfán, the favorite of the muses and of the authorities of his time. Despite this, Peralta's life and work are of great importance for understanding both the struggles in the late Baroque Sevillian poetic field and the literary style of the time, and in particular the tensions between lyric and narrative poetry. Specifically, the present volume traces Peralta's biography and poetic career, and provides critical editions and studies of two of his biographical texts: the Lírico discante, a series of sonnets on the life of Alexander the Great, and the Canción real, a poem about St. Bruno's retreat to the wilderness and the founding of the Grande Chartreuse.

José Román de la Torre Peralta es un autor triplemente extravagante en el corpus de la poesía española del siglo XVII. Cronológicamente, floreció en la segunda mitad de la centuria, la que hoy asociamos a la decadencia del imperio y de la poesía del Siglo de Oro; geográficamente, se movió en su Andalucía natal y buscó su lugar entre los ingenios sevillanos del momento; poéticamente, sufrió la supremacía de Fernando de la Torre Farfán, el favorito de las musas y autoridades de su época. Pese a ello, la vida y obra de Peralta tiene gran importancia para comprender tanto las luchas en el campo poético de la Sevilla del Bajo Barroco como el estilo del momento, y en particular las tensiones entre poesía lírica y narrativa. Concretamente, nuestro volumen traza la biografía de Peralta y su trayectoria poética, y aporta ediciones críticas y estudios de dos de sus textos biográficos: el Lírico discante, una serie de sonetos sobre la vida de Alejandro Magno, y la Canción real, un poema sobre el retiro de san Bruno al yermo y la fundación de La Cartuja.

Une capsule temporelle est une œuvre de sauvegarde collective de biens et d'informations, comme témoignage destiné aux générations futures. Elle peut être intentionnellement créée et enterrée, souvent lors d’une cérémonie programmant la date de son ouverture, ou résulter d’une catastrophe, comme le site archéologique de Pompéi. Si les capsules temporelles remontent aux premières formes de civilisation écrite, comme en Mésopotamie, elles sont aussi au cœur des pratiques des artistes contemporains qui souhaitent constituer une archive de leur vie quotidienne, comme le faisait Andy Warhol. La description des capsules temporelles soulève des questions symboliques sur ce qu’une société ou un individu souhaite transmettre aux générations futures. Mais elle pose aussi des problèmes d’infrastructure matérielle. Comment stocker les objets dans une capsule temporelle de façon à constituer une totalité signifiante ? Comment conserver ces données de façon à ce qu’elles se préservent dans de...

This comprehensive and insightful book brings scientific rigor to the problems of reconstructing the Pharos Lighthouse, one of the Seven Wonders of the Ancient World, and understanding how it functioned as the archetypal lighthouse in antiquity, when it was described as a “second Sun”.

Conceived by Alexander the Great and designed by Sostratus, the Pharos lighthouse stood as an iconic landmark of Alexandria for sixteen centuries until felled by a calamitous earthquake in the fourteenth century. The study of this great lighthouse has been neglected relative to other ancient Wonders such as the Great Pyramid of Giza. This book reconstructs the tower, its lustrous light, stunning statues and astounding story in diligent detail through archaeological evidence and surviving antique texts and images, providing a fresh evaluation of the Pharos, its history, and its legacy. The Roman writer Achilles Tatius termed the Pharos a “second Sun”; this expression is explained and explored here for the first time, and has dramatic implications for the nature of the Pharos’ light. The volume also explores how the creation of the Pharos was a key stimulus for Alexandrian science and astronomy in antiquity.

The Pharos Lighthouse in Alexandria provides a fascinating new study of this monument of interest to students and scholars of Hellenistic art, architecture, and science, and readers seeking to learn more about one of the Seven Wonders of the Ancient World.

The best-known Amazonian stories show common characteristics, among which their defeat by a legendary male hero stands out. However, one of them presents important peculiarities not only related to the historical character of its male protagonist, but also to the origin of this legend (4th century BC), the latest known.
The mythical encounter between Thalestris and Alexander III could be a Shakespearean play. When the queen of the Amazons heard that the Macedonian sovereign was near his territory to conquer Persia, she didn´t hesitate to arrange an interview with the intention of saving his own race. This is the last story about the legendary Amazon warriors of which we have news in Antiquity, elaborated to give even more prestige to Alexander, who became the one chosen to perpetuate the lineage of the Amazons. Many classical authors remember this extraordinary event, some of them supposedly mentioned as witnesses, as they were historians who followed the Macedonian king to immortalize his victories, although not all agree on the place where this meeting took place. The mythical Amazonian kingdom was traditionally located to the south of the Pontus Euxinus, next to the mouth of Thermodon, but the need to link this territory to the route taken by the Macedonian army in its advance through Persia made Diodorus, Plutarch, Quintus Curtius or Strabo (quoting Clitarcus of Alexandria) would place it even further away, in distant Hyrcania to the south of the Caspian Sea), the region where Darius himself had a palace in Zadracarra to house his lovers.
The problem that arises with this account is related to the sources, since Plutarch gives us a (only partial) list of authors who mentioned him in their writings, but we know nothing about most of them, and the remaining allusions are fragmentary or very brief, although it gives us an idea of the amount of lost traditions that could have existed .
We will talk about this late story, its sources and the role of myths as an element of prestige related to the heroic past that Alexander admired so much and sought to emulate, based on a legend about which Lysimachus, one of Alexander's generals who accompanied him at all times, he said between laughs: “and where was I then?

John of Hunyadi is known in historiography as one of the late Middle Ages' outstanding personalities in the mid-15th century's struggle against Ottoman expansion in the Balkans. However, numismatic studies argue that its economic and monetary policies are much less known. Through this study, the comprehensive analysis of an unpublished batch of coins consisting of 27 denars and obols from the Regency period (1446-1452) allows us to underline some innovative hypotheses related to the silver coinage of John of Hunyadi as governor. Hunyadi's counts of the Transylvanian Monetary and Mining Chamber, Christophorus and Antonius, have succeeded in implementing Transylvanian mints, a controlling silver coinage system, based on the obverse legend versions as well as the mint marks. A brief classification of these associations specific to certain mints and mint masters, related to the chronology of the issues and the version of the legend, looks as follows:
1. The version: “TЄMPORЄ – IOɧAȠIS” is specific exclusively and entirely to the Sibiu (Hermannstadt) silver coinage from 1446.
2. The version: “TЄMPORЄ – IO◦GVBЄR” is specific exclusively and entirely to the Buda and Baia Mare (Neustadt (Frauenbach) / Nagybánya) silver coinage from 1446.
3. Notably, for the Baia Mare denars (1446), some particularities are in detail described in the full text. 
4. The version: “IOɧAȠI◦DЄ◦ɧV◦GVBЄRȠAT” is specific exclusively for lion denars struck in 1447-1448, in Brașov (Kronstadt), for Wallachia. This coinage is signed by Christophorus, as well as the denars also struck in Brașov for the internal market of Transylvania (1447-1451), whose legend respecting the single formal version of that time: “TЄMPORЄ◦IO◦GVBЄRȠATO”.
5. The version: “TЄMPORЄ◦GVBЄRȠATORI” is specific to some late issues associated with the chronological level: 1451-1452, being characteristic for both Baia Mare and Buda coinages. In the case of Buda, they are associated with the specific iconography of the uncrowned lion, while the others, from Baia Mare, have preserved the iconographic identity of the crowned lion.
Two of these legend versions: “IOɧAȠI◦DЄ◦ɧV◦GVBЄRȠAT” (in relation with the mint from Brașov) and “TЄMPORЄ ◦ GVBЄRȠATORI” (in relation with the mint from Baia Mare) are novel and were identified based on the genuine coins, part of the unpublished coin lot. Both have an essential significance in the study of the monetary history of Transylvania and Wallachia. While the first one represents the numismatic evidence of the first attempt to unify the two monetary markets, the second one proved the Baia Mare mint’s continuous activity in 1451-1452. Moreover, the legend “TЄMPORЄ – IOɧAȠIS” is for the first time associated exclusively and entirely to the Sibiu coinage from 1446. Among the coins of the lot, two unique lion denars were identified, whose mint marks were previously unknown. Both come from the Sibiu mint, dated 1447-1451, based on crowned lion iconography. At one of them, instead of the mark reserved for the monetary master, there is also the initial of the city but seen in an inverted image. This graphic representation indicated a collective mark belonging to the saxon patricians, city council members at that time. For the second one, the Hermannstadt initial is sided by the famously crossed seal of Christophorus. This discovery confirms that in the period 1447-1451, the Florentine was directly involved, simultaneously, in the activity of mints throughout Transsylvania. His cross mark was also used in Sibiu, as well as in Brasov and Baia Mare.
Summarizing the conclusions of the transition stage of 1446, the two Florentines resumed in the name of Hunyadi the reorganization of coinage throughout Transylvania, a process started by Christophorus in Sibiu in 1443. The main outputs that characterize this period are the following: Restauration of the bimetallic, gold and silver, monetary system; Centralization of coinage mostly in Transylvania through a strategic spatial reorganization in those three urban centres: Sibiu, Baia Mare and Brasov; Implementation of effective quality control of coinage along with eradicating counterfeiting. All this contributed to shaping the needed circumstances for a successful implementation of the monetary reform of 1447.     
In Hunyadi's vision, the "lion denar" reform should have consisted of introducing a new silver coin that would circulate throughout the kingdom and respect a unique standard of metrological, iconographic, and finesse. The reform was successful, beginning in 1447, but only in Transylvania and in the royal chamber of Buda. It also had some effect on the Kremnitz monetary chamber, but the civil war had a significant contribution in jeopardizing the success of the reform in Upper Hungary. No documentary sources are known regarding the metrological and fineness standard, but as it results from archaeometry measurements, it should have been similar to that of the "eagle denar" from the reform attempts of 1442 and 1444. As we have shown in two recently published studies, in 1444, this reform was expected to be successful in Transylvania but failed due to political instability caused by King Vladislav I's death in Varna in December 1444. The system of legends variation in coinage was used for the first time in the monetary chamber of Sibiu, at the late eagle denars (1445), in order to reflect a specific political context. Complementary to the reform attends started in 1444 and consolidated in 1446, with the introduction of the lion denar, there is a rebalancing of silver coin production capacities between the three Transylvanian centres, with an emphasis on increasing the role of Brasov mint. This one had a central role, also, in practicing Hunyadi's monetary policies regarding Wallachia. The study shows that controlling and providing it with its current currency necessary for trading became his constant preoccupation between 1447 and 1452. However, the Wallachian monetary market, which the governor wanted to be subsequent with the Hungarian monetary system, was already under intense pressure from the Ottoman currency.
Finally, in addition to the conclusions regarding the monetary strategy that increased and strengthened the Man-at-arms political power, the study also reclassified the typology of Hunyadi's silver coinage during the Regency: 1446-1452 (Annex 3).

Beyond the most distant western Persian satrapy (Daskyleion), Achaemenid expansion aspired to the territory of Thrace, rich in minerals and timber, but famously failed to establish a permanent outpost of empire at or beyond the Danube and Strymon Rivers. Instead, an area and people termed “Skudra” appear numerous times, in regions conquered or subject to Persia, while the kingdom of Macedonia was engaged as an ally through diplomacy, marriage and tribute. My paper examines the background to Achaemenid ambitions in the north Aegean (Thrace and Macedonia) as the heritage of Lydian (if not earlier, Phrygian) deployment of Ionians from western Asia Minor (“Yauna by the sea”) to the north Aegean (“Yauna across the sea).” Archaeological and epigraphical evidence may serve as proxy data for Achaemenid and pre-Achaemenid activity in the north Aegean.

The article deals with the relation between ethnonyms and language names in Biblical Armenian, focusing on the three languages
of the titulus crucis: Hebrew, Greek and Latin. In the Armenian translation of the Bible (5th Century A.D.) both John’s and Luke’s Gospels report that the inscription on the cross of Jesus was written
ebrayecʽerēn ‘in Hebrew’, yownarēn ‘in Greek’ and dałmatarēn/dałmaterēn ‘in Latin’. After analyzing the morphological formation of language names in Biblical Armenian, the article discusses the
Iranian origin of the suix –arēn/–erēn and explores the linguistic and historical background of the Armenian glottonyms indicating Hebrew, Greek and Latin. The name of Latin dałmatarēn/dałmaterēn,
clearly linked with the ethnonym Dalmatian, i.e., inhabitant of Dalmatia, is very remarkable. This way of naming Latin, unparalleled in the languages attested in the Late Antiquity, can be explained as a result of the interplay between external (historical)
and internal (lexico–semantic) factors in 5th Century Armenian.

The Byzantine Empire, which existed for more than 1000 years, holds a special place in the history of civilization. It was the largest medieval Christian state on the crossroad of Europe and Asia. The Byzantine culture belongs to the medieval Christian culture, but it has specific peculiarities in comparison to the Western Christian culture.The phenomenon of Byzantium, as the successor of the Roman state tradition and as the source of Christian culture, is of particular importance in the development of Georgia's historical processes.Understanding the historical processes of the V-XV centuries in Georgia is quite difficult without knowing the history of Byzantium. We cannot analyze even the later period without knowing Byzantium, because this country has left an indelible mark on Georgia, especially on its culture. The purpose of the present article is to show what the position of the Byzantine history is in the national curriculum and school books.

A primeira parte deste artigo discute o conceito de "bárbaro" na antiga sociedade grega e em sua literatura. Como usado a partir de meados do século V a.C., o termo serve como um marcador linguístico e cultural, denotando ou implicando a barreira conceitual entre "nós" (gregos) e "eles" (o resto do mundo), portanto entre gregos e 'outros'. No entanto, em alguns casos, essa divisão pode entrar em colapso com o uso não generoso dos gregos. A segunda parte do artigo examina o poema clássico de Kavafy "À espera dos bárbaros" (1904) à luz do antigo conceito de "bárbaro". Lançando mão de uma troca dialógica de perguntas e respostas entre dois cidadãos do final do Império Romano, o poema dramatiza o diálogo mental e a relação conceitual que surge quando, como os antigos, distinguimos entre nós e o "outro bárbaro". Por que os bárbaros de Kavafy são uma "solução" e "libertação" (ambos sugeridos por λύσις)...

Resumen. Muchos años antes de que Cisneros empezara los trabajos de la Biblia Poliglota Complutensis, concluidos en 1517, Aldo Manucio soñó con una Biblia trilingüe, por lo menos desde la edición de su Psalterium griego, entre 1496 y 1498. De este opus magnum, muchas veces mencionado pero que jamás pudo imprimirse, al parecer por falta de condiciones económicas, quedaron tan solo dos folios, dos pruebas de imprenta que se creen realizadas en 1501. En este artículo se recopilan y analizan los testimonios conservados sobre la trilingüe aldina, los de Aldo y otros eruditos contemporáneos, además de colacionarse el texto impreso en la columna griega de las pruebas (Gen. 1.1-15) en relación con la versión luego editada en 1518. Con ello se intenta averiguar el estado del proceso filológico y editorial de la obra, en distintos momentos entre los últimos años del siglo XV y la edición final de la Biblia griega aldina.

This paper argues that Jacoby’s fragment  of Ephippus of Olynthus’ lost pamphlet on the deaths of Hephaestion and Alexander conceals a malevolently distorted and hitherto unrecognised reference to Alexander’s adoption in / BC of the traditional hunting style of the Assyrian and Achaemenid kings, namely, the use of a chariot and archery in pursuit of lions. The paper puts this startling development into the larger context of, firstly, Alexander’s political and cultural Persianising, and, secondly, the rich symbolism of the royal lion hunter in the ancient near east. Finally the paper asks how far such ‘misreadings’ of the historical Alexander’s Asian monarchy by the first generation of Greek Alexander-historians might have coloured the later ancient view of Alexander’s alleged quest for deification.

Poco después de la caída de Constantinopla de 1453 Fernán Pérez de Guzmán se lamentó de la fortuna del Imperio Bizantino a través de un poema cancioneril dirigido a su sobrino, el Marqués de Santillana. En este breve texto conectó directamente a los habitantes de este imperio mediterráneo del siglo XV con los griegos de la Antigüedad, afirmando que históricamente la “provinçia greçiana” había destacado por ser “sabia por filosophya”, “fuerte por cavalleria” y “por santa fe cristiana”.
El presente trabajo busca demostrar que expresiones culturales como las encontradas en Pérez de Guzmán no eran nociones aisladas, sino que responden a una concepción de la Historia y del mundo entendidos en clave providencialista. Para finales de la Edad Media, Bizancio había perdido en el occidente europeo su reconocimiento como continuador del Imperio Romano universal, siendo caracterizado como un imperio o reino puramente local y llamado “griego”. Por otra parte, si bien los habitantes de Bizancio eran entendidos como parte del mismo pueblo que había asediado Troya en un pasado lejano, se entendía que los griegos bizantinos habían sufrido un proceso de degeneración en todos los sentidos, conceptualizado a través de la idea de traslación o translatio. En este sentido, si la Grecia antigua era famosa por su virtud militar y moral, su liderazgo político o su sabiduría, este papel privilegiado se había trasladado a occidente a través de la acción divina. En la presente ponencia se emplearán fuentes como la Suma de historia troyana, los Castigos de Sancho IV o el Itinerario de Pero Tafur para tratar de exponer un ejemplo paradigmático de como en la Edad Media se recibieron continuamente personajes, temas y hechos de la Antigüedad, modificándolos y adaptándolos para construir una visión del mundo propia y original, adaptada a sus propias condiciones históricas y sociales.

Introduction to Viraf's Journey to the Afterlife A Divine Calamity Enacted a few Centuries Before it became a Comedy. This is the story of a Zoroastrian priest who was sent to the land of the dead about 1800 years ago. curiosity about the afterlife is not new. Many cultures were fascinated by the other side, indicated by, for example, stories of the Erinyes (i.e., the Furies) and Hermes in Greek Mythology, Mesopotamian Etana, much later, the story of Mi'raj of Mohammad, and C.S. Lewis's The Great Divorce.

Archaeological studies with the help of geographic information systems and remote sensing have been used in temporal, spatial, regional analysis and to investigate traditional and historical ways of human life. Remote sensing alludes to a wide variety of high-technology methods for collecting data pertaining to the physical or chemical properties of an archaeological site survey. The aim of this study is to identify the archaeological site of Makli graveyard and Banbhore fort through satellite images and explore the major land cover patterns on the southern part of Sindh province using geospatial technologies. Additional goals are to evaluate and visualize the Digital Elevation Model (DEM) for the southern part of Sindh province. A landsat-8 OLI / TIRS of 20th December 2014 and a DEM image were used to classify land cover and artifacts at the site. The result indicates that historical monuments at Makli, and Banbhore fort, Thatta testify in an outstanding manner, to the civilization...

In: Magdeburger Volksstimme, Freitag, 8. September 2023, S. 22.

Archäologie-Professor Stefan Lehmann zum Wiederauftauchen der seit Jahren umstrittenen Bronze-Statue Alexanders des Großen Seit 2008 schwelt ein Streit zwischen dem Winckelmann-Museum in Stendal und Stefan Lehmann (71), Professor für Archäologie, zu einer acht Jahre zuvor ausgestellten Bronze-Statue Alexanders des Großen. Er bezeichnet den sensationellen Kopf als Fälschung, es kam sogar zum Rechtsstreit. Das Ausstellungsstück verschwand, doch es tauchte nun wieder auf. Über die Entwicklungen sprach Matthias Fricke mit ihm.

At present time our history books contain many absurd propositions which it is difficult to support by sober reasoning. Our dogmatic religious faith hinders any sober writer to claim against the age-old superstitions. Today we can have a look on Sanatan dharma or Hindu religion. The word Sanatan is generally construde as ageless or eternal whereas its literal meaning is " those who created it did not embrace it".For a more clear understanding , we shall have to look to the affinity between Sanskrit and Greek languages. These two have common root of words, forms of grammar and mode of expression. Thus it is clear that the two languages were created simultaneously. Practically, Greeks had no knowledge of India prior to Alexander's invasion of India. Thus the two languages can not be dreamt of prior to the rise of Alexander the Great. As Megasthenes, a contemporary of Alexander, clearly mentions that the Indians did not have the art of writing, it is a natural corrolary that the Sanskrit iterature, including the Vedas and Mahabharat are posterior to the Greek invasion. Thus Indra of the Rigveda , who had come to India leading the Greeks, Iranions, Dahae and others was none other than Alexander. The participation of Greeks in large numbers in Mahabharat war was not possible before the time of Alexander. Placing Mahabharat War in 4th or 5th millanum BC and Rigveda about 1500 BC,is simply rediculous.