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discusses how Chinese People's Liberation Army leaders and thinkers digested the lessons from their own military operations and incorporated them into contemporary military planning.
2005, China's Revolution in Doctrinal Affairs
A reconsideration of traditionally skeptical attitudes about military transparency appears to be underway in China. Whereas Beijing formerly rejected Western calls for greater military transparency—arguing that transparency benefits the strong at the expense of the weak—a new calculus seems to be emerging that reflects China’s greater confidence in its own strength. As Chinese military capabilities have improved in both relative and absolute terms, the same logic that justified wariness of military transparency now recommends it as a useful tactic. Recent comments by Chinese officials and experts, along with some adjustments to military practice, suggest that greater transparency is now seen as an instrument capable of serving useful political and deterrent functions. China’s interpretation of transparency nonetheless remains conditional and selective, elevating optics and public relations above substantive disclosures. Indeed, the Chinese practice of military transparency is marked by its omissions. Rather than embracing transparency as an end in itself, the PLA selectively addresses foreign demands for greater transparency without necessarily “providing information about military capabilities and policies that allow other countries to assess the compatibility of those capabilities with a country’s stated security goals” [1]. The subsequent analysis of some recent statements and behaviors provides insight into how the risks and rewards of increased military transparency are portrayed within China, offering some indication of likely PLA practices in the future.
2017, Comparative Strategy
A new generation of stealthier, supersonic, autonomous and increasingly survivable Chinese anti-ship missiles with extended ranges, payloads and accuracy are increasing adept at evading U.S. defenses, and undermine the effectiveness of its surface fleets and carrier strike groups in the West Pacific. This article conceptualizes the evolution of Chinese ASMs through a structural-realist theoretical lens. It argues that the development and diffusion of these asymmetric precision-strike weapons have in important ways intensified U.S.-China security dilemma dynamics, which could portend a paradigm shift (or at least the perception of one) in the future military balance of power in Asia.
This thesis applies the Security Dilemma concept to explain the deterioration in U.S.-China military and defence relations in the Asia Pacific region between 2009 and 2013. It builds upon the existing empirical base that has used the security dilemma to explain contemporary U.S.-China security relations. The thesis concludes that this condition has in important ways influenced Washington’s strategic calculations and military responses vis-à-vis China, which in turn perceptibly worsened U.S.-China military and defence relations. The central contribution of this thesis is a much-needed addition to the existing scholarly understanding of the presence of the security dilemma in Washington’s strategic thinking and military policy formulation vis-à-vis Beijing. It also proffers a compelling case for the continued relevance of this concept to elucidate contemporary U.S.-China security relations. The thesis develops a robust theoretical framework of analysis to validate the existence of a genuine U.S.-China security dilemma. The case study chapters apply this framework to highlight and explain incidences of Washington’s misunderstandings of Beijing’s strategic intentions, caused by misinterpretations and misperceptions - worsening U.S-China military and defence relations. The case studies also address several conceptual and analytical gaps in the existing literature that have used the security dilemma concept to explain contemporary U.S.-China security relations: the importance being able to clearly distinguish between states’ military capabilities and intentions; a more integrative approach in the application of the security dilemma to view military domains; elaborating on some of the issues related to the ‘ambiguity of weapons’ in IR and worsening security dilemma dynamics; and extending the under-theorised discourse related to the U.S.-China ‘asymmetric’ military balance of power in the Asia Pacific. While the primary purpose of this thesis is to extend the existing empirical literature, it also generates several conclusions and implications for security dilemma theorising itself.
A b S T r AC T This article focuses on how the U.S. military assesses the threat of a Taiwan Strait crisis over the next two decades, America's possible responses, and the U.S. capacity for effective intervention. It examines the drivers behind the U.S. approach, highlighting their implications. K E y wo r d
2019, Association of the US Army
2019, Defense Technology Brief
Deals with an explanation of hypersonic weapons and defenses. Covers systems in China and Russia
2006
2017
This thesis assesses the geopolitical structure and dynamic of the regional system East Asia under the framework of offensive realism, and provides a macro- to micro-level analysis of the impact of geography on great power behaviour, defence policy, and military acquisitioning. Assessing military strategy and acquisition under geographical aspects fills a gap in the theoretical body of offensive realism, since the theory does not sufficiently explain the role of landpower and its projection in a maritime environment. Support forces such as the navy and the air force, but also conventional missile and amphibious forces, are upgraded to enabling forces. A closer look on the priorities of Chinese and Japanese armament confirms this. So do reforms pushed by the US Pacific Command that are assessed as well. The states in East Asia, including the two regional great powers China and Japan are heavily dependent on sea lines of communication. The Chinese ambition of creating an anti-access area-denial zone (A2AD) in the Western Pacific that impedes US power projection into East Asia is directly driven by vulnerabilities created by this dependency. Likewise, Japan’s slow abandonment of pacifism is a reaction to China’s emergence as a seapower in this specific geographical context.
2017, The Pacific Review
Washington has become increasingly concerned that Beijing’s anti-access area-denial (A2-AD) capabilities will put at risk US military assets and forward forces operating in the Western Pacific region, enabling China to deter, delay and deny US intervention in future regional conflict and crisis. US defence analysts in their assessments have frequently, and often erroneously, conflated a Chinese operational capability with an underlying strategic intention that conceptualises the United States as its primary (if not sole) target. The central argument this article proffers is that US perceptions of A2-AD have been framed by specific analytical baselines that have overlooked the evolution of Chinese operational and doctrinal preferences, and over-reliant upon military material-based assessments to determine Beijing’s strategic intentions, and formulate US military countervails. The article concludes that the strategic ambiguities and opacity associated with Chinese A2-AD capabilities and its ‘active defence’ concept reinforced Washington’s reliance upon capacity-based assessments that in turn, exacerbated misperceptions confounded by cognitive bias of Chinese strategic intentions. The critical framing assumptions of this article draw heavily upon the ideas and rationale associated with the international relations ‘Security Dilemma’ concept.
2019, Comparative Strategy
This article examines the intersection of the evolving Chinese command, control, communications, computers, intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (C4ISR) military paradigm, with the cyber, space, and electronic warfare asymmetric challenges posed to the U.S. on the future network-centric battlefield. In contrast to China’s conventional weapon systems, far less ink has been spilled on Chinese thinking in the development of the critical support architecture, which enables and enhances China’s war-fighting capabilities. A central argument this article makes is that the technologically advanced offensive weapons fused by C4ISR systems, pose greater threats to the U.S. than the sum of their parts. The destabilizing dynamics emerging in the Asia Pacific will likely increase the incentives for both sides to strike first, and pre-emptively against the others C4ISR systems.
This article attempts to lay out a conceptual framework for evaluating the actual military value of China’s newly developed weaponry. Its basic assumption is that technological military progress is not sufficient to increase military strength. Therefore an alternative approach is adopted that studies the adaptability of the new technologies to the country’s strategic situation. To this end, the study assumes that the value of a weapon system is measured by its suitability to the country’s military, economic and technological conditions. The country’s ability to meet these requirements depends to a large extent on the procurement process. Exploring China’s recent military procurement approach, the study finds that under the prevailing conditions, China’s military procurement process could reduce the actual military value of the newly developed weaponry.
The modernization of the People's Liberation Army Navy (PLAN) team has grown rapidly since the end of the Cold War in 1991. This study was conducted to study the modernization of the PLAN and the impact on maritime security. The study has three objectives. First, identify the challenges of the modernization of the PLAN, both of which review the modernization of the PLAN. Third, analyzing PLAN modernization of its maritime safety. Sea Power theory is used to describe China's actions to safeguard its national interests. This study uses qualitative methods with secondary data collected from printed reviews and electronic data. The findings show that, first china modernizes the PLAN for its national interest ie maintaining economic interests. Secondly, China has increased control over waters, especially in the South China Sea to protect its territorial sovereignty. Third, China is trying to become a global player as a contributor to help internationally. This study summarizes the modernization of China's PLAN is not a hegemony or preparation for war but only to safeguard its national interests only.
The aim of this article is to analyze the rationale and likely impacts of Chinese military modernization, which seems focused to work as China's instrument of power politics in the Asia–Pacific. Given that China is growing exponentially in the economic field and it has many flashpoints to deal with, its military modernization is understandably a historical inevitability. It primarily has the United States, Japan, and Taiwan to confront over the flashpoints, such as Taiwan, and the South China Sea. Concurrently, the United States' alliance/alignment-building is going ahead unabated along with its military revamping. The article concludes by projecting the likely ramifications as response to such military revamping and re-positioning from both sides.
This article outlines the dimensions of defensive relations between Iran and China, both from political and strategic aspects on the scope of defense diplomacy. Furthermore, the article shows, why the two countries are seeking to upgrade their relationship to a strategic level. In this respect, defense diplomacy is an important tool in international relations, and can illustrate the underlying mechanism that makes defense diplomacy an effective geopolitical tool. Although, there is a paucity of research on Iran-China defense diplomacy in the international security literature, yet this relationship has important implications for East Asia and Middle East regional security. This concept -specifically after 2013- became the central dynamics of the complex relationship between Iran and China where both countries have institutionalized a series of confidence building measures in bilateral defense-military relations. In this sense, the two countries seek to develop mutually beneficial ties to a stable international and regional environment. This paper discusses how China and Iran are preparing to launch a joint military exercise during the Rouhani era and in what ways the Islamic Republic's defense diplomacy has engaged in a continuing military modernization program with China that is expanding the capabilities available to the Iranian arms forces. Nevertheless, the paper suggests that due to China's political considerations and U.S. role in this regard, Sino-Iranian defense ties remain relatively shallow and sketchy.
2011
At present, the following disputes are attracting the attention of the media and analysts of international political conjuncture: 1 - The reintegration into the territory of the PRC or definitive independence of Taiwan, which Beijing calls the "rebel province of Taiwan"; 2- Increased political tension involving Japan and PRC; and 3 - Economic disputes within the framework of the World Trade Organization, involving the USA and PRC. 4 - In addition to the above, it is noted that, at the present time, there are also no news of relevant tensions involving the PRC and the nations that in Asia hold nuclear artefacts, namely Russia, India, Pakistan and North Korea. Chinese diplomacy is extremely skilful and calculating. Once the historical, geographical, social, political and economic aspects of the PRC are addressed, the time has come to know and analyze the national interests of the PRC.
2007
The Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA) recognizes that the human leadership element is a critical part of its ongoing modernization process. As then Chairman of the Central Military Commission (CMC) Jiang Zemin stated in a 2003 speech commemorating the 50th anniversary of the National University of Defense Technology:
2008, Strategic Analysis
... Understanding China's Military Strategy 1029 ... See Li Jijun, 'Traditional Military Thinking and the Defensive Strategy of China', address at the United States War College, Letort Paper ... 8 Although India has not been identified as a threat by China in any of the white papers or other ...