13th century England

The reforming council which took over the government of England in 1258 moved quickly to reform the royal mints and exchanges. The inquiries into the exchanges, and the successful measures to increase the royal share of their profits, have hitherto received little attention. Unpublished Exchequer records cast new light on the administration of a significant contributor to government revenues.

When Simon de Montfort took control of the government of England in 1264, he replaced the sheriffs appointed by Henry III. The new sheriffs were relatively obscure, and have been little studied. The baronial reform movement raised expectations that sheriffs should be honest, and natives of the counties they governed. De Montfort’s sheriffs largely met these requirements, as their backgrounds and careers demonstrate. Unpublished Exchequer records show that they were surprisingly successful in holding courts and collecting revenues in a time of disorder. They were men of the knightly class, serving their counties, rather than being ideologically attached to the reform movement.
Also available online: http://rdcu.be/EzyG

When Simon de Montfort seized power after the battle of Lewes, he almost immediately appointed new sheriffs in most of the counties. The sheriffs played a vital role in maintaining order, collecting revenue and representing the central government in the counties. This paper looks at the backgrounds of these sheriffs, their record in office and their commitment to the new regime.

1- Robin Hood, fact or fiction?
2- England at the time of Robin Hood.
3- Robin Hood as seen by Hollywood.
4- Contact points between the legend and medieval culture.
5- Conclusion.
Appendix – Characters of the legend.
References

The legend of Robin Hood fascinated generations of young people, including the author, by BD, adventure books and movies. Who does not enjoy the story of an individual who after being put off-the-law for not being in accordance with the government, becomes the savior of an oppressed people, finally winning the love of the maiden and the recognition of the King?
But who was actually Robin Hood? Is the legend really a legend?

The 1259 pipe roll contains accounts for most of the counties of England, covering the first full year of government by the reforming council set up by the baronial coup of 1258. The transcript of the roll makes up the bulk of this thesis. An unusually wide range of financial records, also mostly unpublished, survives from the years around 1259. These records are used together with the pipe roll to describe government finances and to show that the machinery of government continued to function successfully in the early years of the reform period.
The thesis begins with a description of the editorial conventions used, and a discussion of the value of such transcripts. The financial information contained in the roll is extracted and analysed, to show the sources of government revenue, and how it was spent in the counties.
The relationship between the central government and the sheriffs who administered the counties was changed radically in 1258, with the new sheriffs appointed by the reforming council as custodians, who were to account for the traditional income from the counties. These sheriffs’ accounts provide information about the customary payments and local courts in the counties which is not usually available. The income produced by the sheriffs and by the manors of the royal demesne over the period from 1241 to 1259 is compared, to show how the sheriffs squeezed additional revenue from the counties in the 1250s, and how the demesne continued to make a significant contribution to royal resources.
The efforts of the reformers to control the financial administration and to reform Exchequer procedures had some success between 1258 and 1261. The financial collapse of the mid-1260s accompanied the struggle for control of the government and the drift towards civil war.

This thesis concentrates on the visit of the itinerant justices to Oxfordshire in January 1261, an event that occurred shortly after the demise of the baronial council. The contents of the eyre’s surviving roll provides a valuable insight into how local society viewed  centre impacted upon the shires and the shires viewed the of the political manouvering upon local society. The justices conduct and whether they enforced the baronial reforms are fundamental issues addressed by this study Using the contents of the roll itself, the study examines whether the justices conducted proceedings in accordance with the baronial reforms instituted in 1258-9. The thesis similarly explores the revenues generated by the visitation are analysed to establish whether the reforms impacted financially before turning to a wider discussion of how 1261 profits compared to issues raised in the eyres of Henry III’s personal rule and that of his son Edward I. The thesis likewise looks at the role played by the knights of Oxfordshire. Drawn from the grand assize panels on the roll, examines the fundamental question concerning the motivation and actions of those who supported or opposed the crown or who chose to remain aloof.
The study discusses the range of criminal business that came within the eyre’s jurisdiction before discussing the efficiency of the county’s law enforcement system. The question of whether there was an increase in crime levels in the thirteenth century is also addressed. Focusing upon reported homicides, the evidence has been drawn from all the surviving Oxfordshire eyre rolls. This is followed by a discussion of the civil business heard in the 1261 eyre. The composition of those engaged in civil litgation is discussed before there is a discussion of the range of civial actions coming before Oxfordshire’s itinerant justices between 1241 and 1281 and establishes whether there were any significant differences in their composition. Finally, this thesis provides a full transcription and indexes of the contents of the roll itself.

The National Archives in London holds many rolls produced by or for the Exchequer in the thirteenth century which have received little attention. These rolls were used in the process of compiling the pipe rolls, the great annual summaries of debts owing and paid.
By the mid-thirteenth century, there was a complex system of interlocking records to track the flow of cash from the agencies of government throughout the country. These preliminary records survive in sufficient quantity to provide a better understanding of how the Exchequer worked.
Each type of record is different, in format and level of detail, but they can all be related to the summarized details entered in the pipe rolls. In many cases, the locally-produced rolls have been marked up and amended, to show the process of checking and calculation at the Exchequer. This paper gives examples of: manorial records, produced by escheators and by administrators of vacant dioceses; sheriffs’ particulars, showing the revenues which made up the county farm, and the expenditure by the sheriff on behalf of central government; estreat rolls, conveying details of amercements recorded in plea rolls; and records of the exchanges, such as the rolls of silver purchases, showing how silver was acquired for minting.
The Exchequer also tried to slim down the pipe rolls, by removing detail into separate rolls, the rotulus pullorum and the rotulus de corporibus. These too can help us to understand the procedures of the Exchequer as it tried to establish a reasonably efficient and honest system of collecting and checking the government’s revenues.
This paper began as a talk at a Heidelberg university conference, the proceedings of which have now been published as an open access book.

https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-02139436
Au Moyen Âge, la connaissance de la faune étrangère exotique (africaine et indienne) doit beaucoup à la transmission des auteurs antiques (Aristote, Pline, Solin) et des premiers auteurs chrétiens (Physiologus, Isidore de Séville, Pères de l’église). Pourtant on observe, notamment au XIIIe siècle, l’apparition de nouveaux savoirs dans les encyclopédies et autres textes d’histoire naturelle apparentés. Ces nouveaux savoirs doivent peu aux autorités anciennes et sont le fruit d’apports nouveaux, liés à l’observation directe (animaux de ménageries) ou à des savoirs vernaculaires (voyageurs, marchands, chasseurs, pêcheurs, marins, etc.). C’est particulièrement le cas pour les animaux mal connus du Nord de l’Europe, mettant en lumière un exotisme venu du froid, dans le cadre d’échanges accrus avec le monde scandinave. L’exposé tentera de mettre en valeur ces apports, notamment dans l’introduction de nouvelles espèces ou de nouveaux zoonymes dans l’inventaire du monde vivant, mais aussi dans les compléments d’informations apportés sur les savoirs anciens. Notre enquête portera principalement sur Thomas de Cantimpré et Albert le Grand, avec des compléments tirés de Barthélemy l’Anglais, Vincent de Beauvais et Alexandre Neckam. Nous essayerons de mettre en avant l’apport fondamental de Thomas de Cantimpré dans cet enrichissement du monde animal exotique médiéval, en le comparant avec l’approche de ses contemporains.

During the course of the parliament held between January and March 1265 by the revolutionary council led by Simon de Montfort, earl of Leicester, Henry III confirmed Magna Carta. Although the significance of Montfort’s parliament has been debated throughout the intervening centuries, its role in the story of Magna Carta has generally been forgotten. This is probably because it is not generally appreciated that the text of the 1265 confirmation of Magna Carta still survives. The confirmation was not enrolled on the Charter Rolls and no engrossments have been discovered. Yet the text has been preserved in four copies, three of them giving the witness list detailing those who endorsed the confirmation. It supplies extremely valuable evidence for the nature of the Montfortian support base at this momentous parliament, as well as for the strategies that Montfort’s council pursued to entrench its authority. It is the purpose of the present article to bring attention to this little-known text, to make its contents more accessible by providing a transcription and translation and to discuss its context and significance.

A preliminary discussion of this material can be found on the Magna Carta Project website, at http://magnacartaresearch.org/read/feature_of_the_month/Mar_2014

It has long been recognized that the London collection of laws, known as the Leges Anglorum Londoniis Collectae contains a version of the so-called Leges Edwardi Confessoris that throws light upon contemporary interpretations of the relation between king and people in the years leading up to King John's issue of Magna Carta in 1215. In what follows, an attempt is made to point out the particular significance to this debate of a text interpolated into the London Collection's version of the Leges Edwardi: a letter supposedly issued in the name of Pope Eleutherius to Lucius ‘King of the Britons’. Included at the end are a transcription and translation of the extended account in Version 4 of the Leges Edwardi Confessoris on the law and appendages to the crown of the kingdom of Britain and what the king’s office is (c. 11, 1A) and Pope Eleutherius’ Letter to King Lucius (c. 11, 1B).

William Heron had a poor contemporary reputation as a grasping and arbitrary sheriff. For twelve years, he held important positions in the North-East, as sheriff, then also as keeper of key castles and justice of the forests. The Chancery and Exchequer records show that, even by the standards of his time, he was unusually dishonest. Henry III’s government required sheriffs to squeeze more revenue from the counties; sheriffs like Heron added to the pressure by their corruption and greed. Such behaviour helped to fuel the popular discontent which found expression at the time of the movement of baronial reform and rebellion, which began in 1258. Unpublished documents, including the particulars of the sheriff’s account for 1258-59, show how the county community was exploited to provide the county farm and profit.

Among the many parasitic problems of the bovine species, fasciolosis is the major diseases which impose direct and indirect economic impact on livestock production in bovine species. A cross sectional study was conducted  from February, 2017 to April, 2018 to investigate bovine fasciolosis, to estimate the magnitude of direct economic loss of bovine fasciolosis, to determine the association of risk factor for bovine fasciolosis and to comparatively evaluate the technique at VTH, CVMA, AAU, Bishoftu, Ethiopia. Out of 10 samples tested, 2 (20%) were positive by the Direct Fecal smear method, while as many as 7(70%) were positive by the Fecal sedimentation method, and 0(0%) were positive by the Fecal flotation method. The proportion of positive samples obtained by the Fecal sedimentation method was significantly highest from all three methods (P<0.05. Seven blood sample which was collected from these seven fasciola positive animals were anemic based on the hematological test. For instance  hemoglobin estimation value for seven animal were below normal range (8-15 g/dl) for bovine species, the PCV value for seven animal were below normal range (24 and 46%) for bovine species, And the RBC count value were below normal range (5 × 106 and 6 × 106 RBC/µL) for bovine species During My investigation of bovine fasciolosis in VTH both local and exotic breeds were sampled or examined and there was no significant difference observed for the investigation of the disease. The investigation of bovine fasciolosis in VTH incorporated breed, sex, age, origin of animal and breed as a risk factor for the occurrence of falosciosis, however there were no significant difference observed, these could be due to the presence of similar agro-climatic conditions and allowed animals to graze on the same pasture and drinking on common water point and the following prevention and controle measures were taken such as Farmers should be awere of transmission methods and control strategies of fasciola Strategic use of anthelminthic should be performed to reduce pasture contamination with fasciola eggs, Draining or fencing of marshy areas and utilization of swampy areas for crop production, Regular deworming program before and after the rainy season should be done and Lastly, combinations of control measures including drainage, grazing management, and regular deworming have to be used to insure satisfactory degree of control.
Keywords: Bovine Fasciolosis,  Direct smear, Flotation, Hemoglobin estimations, Packed cell volume, RBC Count,  Sedimentation

Except during recoinages, the royal mints at London and Canterbury could only produce silver pennies when they received foreign coins and silver in exchange. The activities of the exchanges were recorded in the rolls of silver purchases, a few of which survive from Henry III's reign. They show that activity was seasonal, and probably linked to the wool trade. Some customers of the exchanges were bringing very large sums of money, and the exchanges and mints could operate on a large scale: in one week in 1262, the London exchange handled over £3,000, more than one tonne of silver.

Thirteenth-century England was a special place and time to be a bishop. Like their predecessors, these bishops were key members of the regnal community: anointers of kings, tenants-in-chief, pastors, counsellors, scholars, diplomats, the brothers and friends of kings and barons, and the protectors of the weak. But now circumstance and personality converged to produce an uncommonly dedicated episcopate-dedicated not only to its pastoral mission but also to the defence of the kingdom and the oversight of royal government. This cohort was bound by corporate solidarity and a vigorous culture, and possessed an authority to reform the king, and so influence political events, unknown by the episcopates of other kingdoms.

These bishops were, then, to place themselves at the heart of the dramatic events of this era. Under King John and Henry III-throughout rebellion, civil war, and invasion from France, and the turbulent years of Minority government and Henry's early personal rule-the bishops acted as peacemakers: they supported royal power when it was threatened, for the sake of regnal peace, but also used their unique authority to reform the king when his illegal actions threatened to provoke his barons to rebellion. This changed, however, between 1258 and 1265, when around half of England's bishops set aside their loyalty to the king and joined a group of magnates, led by Simon de Montfort, in England's first revolution, appropriating royal powers in order to establish conciliar rule.

Bishops in the Political Community of England, 1213-1272 examines the interaction between the bishops' actions on the ground and their culture, identity, and political thought. In so doing it reveals how the Montfortian bishops were forced to construct a new philosophy of power in the crucible of political crisis, and thus presents a new ideal-type in the study of politics and political thought: spontaneous ideology.

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Resumen. El presente trabajo tiene como objetivo analizar desde un punto de vista historiográfico la potestas de Leonor de Castilla (1241-1290), reina de Inglaterra. Se estudia su actividad antes de convertirse en reina y en qué medida determinó su posterior ejercicio del poder. Este se analiza desgranando los diferentes mecanismos empleados por la reina: mediación e intercesión, política matrimonial, influencia en la corte, actividad cultural, intervención en la política interna y exterior… La biografía política de esta consorte presenta aún muchas lagunas e interrogantes lo que abre unas amplias posibilidades que creemos necesario poner de relieve

Abstract. The aim of this article is to analyse from a historiographic point of view the potestas of Eleanor of Castile (1241-1290), Queen of England. It studies her activity before she became queen and the extent to which it influenced her subsequent exercise of power. This power is analysed by evaluating the different mechanisms that were used by the queen: mediation and intercession, marriage policy, her influence in the court, her cultural activity, her intervention in the internal and international policy… The political biography of this consort still shows many gaps and questions, something that opens a wide range of possibilities that we believe should be highlighted.

https://www.revistamirabilia.com/issues/mirabilia-journal-33-2021-2

The presbytery vault at St Albans is one of only two thirteenth-century wooden vaults over a main span to survive in England. A programme of cleaning and conservation carried out between 1997 and 2002, coupled with an analysis of the source and date of the timber used in its construction , significantly advanced our understanding of both the late thirteenth-century presbytery campaign at St Albans and thirteenth-century timber vault construction generally. As the inevitable density and restricted circulation of the final report on that work has hindered its wider reception, the following paper offers a summary, drawing attention to two features that may have wider implications for an appreciation of vaulting in timber. The first is that, although the general form adopted at St Albans is one associated with masonry vaulting, the wooden boards used for the vault webbing required a junction between the wall and the ridge rib, meaning that shallow liernes were originally deployed to run parallel to the central ridge. It is difficult to see this as imitative of vaulting in stone; rather it is likely to be the result of carpenters developing their own solutions to the constraints imposed by timber. Secondly, the late medieval remodelling of the vault replaced these liernes with false tiercerons, and rather nicely illustrates the ease with which timber vaulting could be modified. The dendrochronology gives a date range of 1273-93, and a date of around 1285 is suggested for the primary build. The major late medieval alterations are here associated with the second abbacy of John of Wheathampstead (1452-65).

Historians studying the Barons’ War of 1263-67, the bitter conflict between the English monarch, Henry III, and his baronage, under the leadership of Simon de Montfort, have overwhelmingly concentrated upon the land-based campaigns of Lewes and Evesham. Others have similarly focused upon the protracted siege of Kenilworth Castle in 1266. Yet surprisingly little attention has been paid by scholars to the naval aspects of this crucial period in English history. Throughout the hostilities the English Channel was the scene of constant maritime activity. Men and equipment from continental supporters were transported across the Dover Straits while emissaries crossed incessantly. There were no set piece battles, but the war at sea saw several amphibious operations and vessels from the Cinque Ports actively engaged in piratical raids on merchant shipping.

This paper will thus argue that the maritime theatre during the Barons’ War was far more significant than has been previously recognised. Emphasising the importance of seapower in both royalist and Montfortian strategic planning, it will discuss how maritime considerations directly impacted upon land-based campaigns.

KOUTY IN THE ČESKÝ KRUMLOV REGION. A TYPICAL OR AN EXTRAORDINARY MODEL OF SETTLEMENT IN THE LATER MIDDLE AGES? The study area, known for its unusual concentration of Late Medieval examples of rural architecture, lies north—east of Český Krumlov. Seven smaller villages
contain at least ten farmsteads – courtyards dating to the 15th/16th centuries. Archaeological excavation here has identified 15 hitherto unknown sites from the second half of the 13th century, and 2 from the Early Middle Ages. The remains of the individual 13th century steadings have differing spatial relationships to still standing buildings of the Late Medieval and Early Modern periods. In the interval between the beginning of the 14th and the beginning of the 16th centuries, certain changes took place at Kouty – changes in the structure of settlement, manifest in most cases in changes in the number, or size, of the individual farmsteads – holdings in the framework of individual settlement cores. The cultural landscape, in the form created here no later than during the Late Middle Ages, became the basis for later development which has clearly continued without major deviations down to the present day.

Earl Richard of Cornwall (1209–72), brother of King Henry III (1216–72), financed the recoinage of the entire English currency in 1247–50. In return he was granted control of the mints and exchanges, and half of all exchange revenues, for 12 years. These revenues included penalties for unauthorized exchanging, which were imposed by a special judicial inquiry. Unpublished Exchequer documents show how the earl, already a rich man, was made still richer by his control of the exchanges. Chronicles also show that he added to this wealth by taking bribes. The recoinage and the enforcement of the restrictions on exchanging were unpopular, and contributed to the discontent which emerged at the time of the baronial rebellion in 1258.

In 1247, Guy de Brian offered 5 marks for a charter for a fair at his manor of Laugharne, in south-west Wales. In 1259, he was pardoned this fine. These two entries in the fine rolls appear quite routine and unremarkable. It is only in the records of the Exchequer that we discover why Guy’s fine was pardoned – a story of bloodshed, captivity and ransom on the wild Welsh frontier. The way in which the fine was recorded is also an interesting illustration of the Exchequer’s procedures.

Resumen. El presente trabajo tiene como objetivo presentar un estado de la cuestión o repaso historiográfico de los recursos de poder con los que contó la reina de Inglaterra Leonor de Castilla (1241-1290). Se analizan temáticamente los recursos relacionales y los materiales, base fundamental de su reginalidad y el aspecto más trabajado de esta reina en la historiografía anglosajona. Nuestra conclusión es que el estudio de los recursos de poder de Leonor de Castilla presenta aún muchas posibilidades, por lo que se hace necesario continuar investigando los componentes que hicieron posible su reginalidad.
Palabras clave. Leonor de Castilla; reginalidad; Inglaterra; poder; historiografía; estado de la cuestión

Abstract. The aim of this article is to present a historiographical review of the sources of power of  the  queen  Eleanor  of  Castile  (1241-1290).  Relational  and  material  sources  are  analysed  thematically, since they have been established as the fundamental basis of her queenship by Anglo-Saxon historiography. Our conclusion is that research on the sources of power of Eleanor of Castile still offers many possibilities of study. Therefore, it is imperative to continue studying the elements that made her queenship possible
Key words. Eleanor of Castile; queenship; England; power; historiography; overview

https://revistas.ucm.es/index.php/ELEM/article/view/75424/4564456557445

The reign of Henry III was a generally peaceful interlude in relations between England and Scotland. The northern English counties were no longer on the front line, but were exploited by sheriffs who were both under pressure to produce more revenue for the Exchequer, and themselves greedy and dishonest.

Poucos elementos são tão caracteristicamente medievais como o derramamento de sangue. Não é exagero. Imagine um chão coagulado ou a pele chapinhada de vermelho e observe. Pode-se pensar em uma trincheira francesa de 1916 ou no senado romano dos idos de março, mas dificilmente se deixará de conceber a cena com referências medievais, sejam elas uma espada sobre a cota metálica, um castelo como câmara, uma cruz vestindo a armadura, um viking como saqueador ou um inquisidor como torturador. Embora seja alimentada por estereótipos, essa associação não pode ser reduzida a uma compreensão ultrapassada ou uma simplificação grosseira. Não se trata de simples resíduo da reputação "Idade Média, Idade das Trevas". Afinal, o sangue é, de fato, um elemento recorrente nos registros históricos deixados por aquele período. Há quase um milênio, narrar a realidade ou tentar criar uma memória sobre como as coisas se passavam implicava notar a presença desse líquido vital. Por quê? Eis a pergunta que este artigo tenta responder. Para isso, foi pensado um estudo de caso, uma análise detida sobre a história de um crime ocorrido no reino inglês no início do XIII. Trata-se de uma história sobre o enriquecimento cristão, a identidade do pecado, a natureza do crime, a relevância do duelo, a autoridade do milagre. Uma história pródiga em detalhes, densa em personagens e, como tal, suficiente para que seja testada uma hipótese: na Idade Média, narrar o sangue era uma maneira de pensar a comunidade cristã.

It was around half-past eight in the morning, with summer rainclouds weighing heavy in the sky, that Simon de Montfort decided to die. It was 4 August 1265 and he was about to face the royal army in the final battle of a quarrel that had raged between them for years. Outnumbered, outmanoeuvred and certain to lose, Simon chose to fight, knowing that he could not possibly win the day.

The Song of Simon de Montfort is the story of this extraordinary man: heir to a great warrior, devoted husband and father, fearless crusader knight and charismatic leader. It is the story of a man whose passion for good governance was so fierce that, in 1258, frustrated by the King’s refusal to take the advice of his nobles and the increasing injustice meted out to his subjects, he marched on Henry III’s hall at Westminster and seized the reins of power.

Montfort established a council to rule in the King’s name, overturning the social order in a way that would not be seen again until the rule of Oliver Cromwell in the seventeenth century. Having defeated the King at the Battle of Lewes in 1264, Montfort and his revolutionary council ruled England for some fifteen months, until the enmity between the two sides exploded on that August day in 1265. When the fighting was over, Montfort and a host of his followers had been cut down on the battlefield, in an outpouring of noble blood that marked the end of chivalry in England as it had existed since the Norman Conquest.

Drawing on an abundance of sources that allow us to trace Montfort’s actions and personality in a depth not possible for earlier periods in medieval history, Sophie Thérèse Ambler tells his story with a clarity that reveals all of the excitement, chaos and human tragedy of England’s first revolution.

Significant efforts have been undertaken in the past twenty years to recover the literacies of medieval women religious—from hearing, reading, and comprehending texts, to copying and composing them in Latin and other European vernaculars. Efforts like the Nuns’ Literacies in Medieval Europe Dialogues in Hull, Antwerp, and Kansas City have radically revised received narratives about the intellectual capacities and creative productions of medieval nuns, but more work still needs to be done to challenge the claim that medieval women religious were incapable of composing their own texts, keeping their communities’ histories, writing their own letters, copying their own books, maintaining their own household accounts, reading the books, letters, charters, and other documents that came into their communities’ possession, or even understanding their own liturgical services because they lacked the requisite literacies. This paper makes a case for the female authorship of two prayers that were composed for an abbess and added in the late twelfth or early thirteenth century to a Psalter owned by Matilda de Bailleul (d. 1212), the abbess of Wherwell Abbey, a Benedictine community in Hampshire, England.

Henry III's brother, earl Richard of Cornwall, was very rich - he lent money to the king, and financed the recoinage which began in 1247. In return, he was given joint control of the mints and exchanges, and half the profits. Documents from the National Archives throw new light on these arrangements, and on the reforms in the exchanges which increased the king's share of the revenues.

Tras el matrimonio de Leonor de Provenza y Enrique III de Inglaterra en enero de 1236, el monarca inglés emprendió un espectacular proyecto de construcción y reconstrucción de los principales palacios reales, destinado a proveer a la nueva reina de un espacio funcional, agradable y, sobre todo, digno de su recién adquirida condición real. Inglaterra no había tenido una reina consorte desde que en 1217 Isabel de Angulema, la esposa del rey Juan, regresó a su tierra natal tras el fallecimiento de este. A través del análisis de los ‘liberate rolls’, documentos producidos por la cancillería inglesa que recogen el gasto de la monarquía, es posible rastrear las obras iniciadas por Enrique III en las habitaciones, capillas y cuartos para Leonor de Provenza. Durante los primeros cinco años de su matrimonio, entre 1236 y 1241, encontramos hasta 109 órdenes referidas a gastos para la reina. De ellas, 70 (un 64,44% del total) recogen gastos en obras, mejoras y construcción de edificios para Leonor, que se llevaron a cabo hasta en 15 residencias reales del monarca, con el objetivo de proporcionar a la reina de un espacio propio que además fuera de su agrado. El estudio de estos documentos nos permite acercarnos al día a día de la vida de la reina y adquirir una mejor comprensión de los espacios que Leonor de Provenza consideraba como propios, así como cuál era la situación de las residencias reales en el momento su llegada a Inglaterra. Además, estos documentos abren una ventana al estudio de la dinámica personal entre Leonor y Enrique III, debido al amplio número de obras encaminadas a unir a través de pasillos y pasadizos las habitaciones de ambos monarcas. A través de este programa de embellecimiento de edificios Leonor de Provenza adquirió los conocimientos que le permitirían a su vez convertirse en la impulsora de nuevas mejoras y obras en sus propias habitaciones durante su vida adulta. Por todo ello, el análisis de esta fuente primaria arroja luz sobre una cuestión fundamental para el estudio de la reginalidad inglesa, los espacios reginales, y la vida de Leonor de Provenza.
Accesible en: https://media.uc3m.es/video/5eddf9f18f420843a68b456f

One of the 13th century Rolls of Arms represent Simon de Montfort with two coats of arms. One is the family arms of the Montforts, while the other born on the banner, as suggested by some historians, is the mark of the office of Lord High Steward of England occupied by Simon. The article is an attempt to find the origins of the arms and the purpose why it was used by the Montfort family.

The Pipe Roll Society lecture at The National Archives, 28 June 2016. This talk explains the importance of the memoranda rolls as records of government finance, with examples drawn chiefly from the roll of 1259. It argues for systematic publication of the rolls, describes the relatively little done so far, and considers how the rolls could best be made more accessible.

Thanks to my friend, Dr Adrian Jobson, I am able to add two footnotes to my book on Edmund of Almain, Earl of Cornwall.  They concern his childhood and his administration at local level.  In addition, I note that his arms are in a window in Dorchester Abbey.

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In the mid thirteenth century, England used only a single coin, the silver penny. The flow of coins into and out of the government's treasury was recorded in the rolls of the Exchequer of Receipt. These receipt and issue rolls have been largely ignored, compared to the pipe rolls, which were records of audit. Some more obscure records, the memoranda of issue, help to show how the daily operations of government finance worked, when cash was the only medium available. They indicate something surprising: the receipt and issue rolls do not necessarily record transactions which took place during the periods they nominally cover. They also show that the Exchequer was experimenting with other forms of payment, using tally sticks, several decades earlier than was previously known. The rolls and the tallies indicate that the objectives of the Exchequer were not, as we would now expect, concerned with balancing income and expenditure, drawing up a budget, or even recording cash flows within a particular year. These concepts were as yet unknown. Instead, the Exchequer's aim was to ensure the accountability of officials, its own and those in other branches of government, by allocating financial responsibility to individuals rather than institutions.

During the period of baronial reform in England, power swung back and forth between king Henry III and a reforming council, eventually dominated by Simon de Montfort. Differences over royal accountability - for example, the right of the county community to have a say over the choice of sheriff, and the need to control the use of royal revenues - proved irreconcilable, and ended in civil war.